Category: democratic multiculturalism

Salter Trad Addendum

More comments.

Salter and I agree on most (albeit not all) of the fundamentals, as readers of this blog have long known.  Focusing specifically on the Trad analysis pieces, I agree with the general pro-White, pro-Majoritarian, EGI-oriented basis.  I agree that reactive nationalism is a failure, stupid Bunkerism that is counter-productive. The recent Barr-Planet of the Apes fiasco was instructive.  Forgetting for a moment Barr’s history and ancestry, what do we see?  A crude “acting out,” spewing forth racially-charged insults lacking in any productive content (not much balkanization ensued, given Barr’s subsequent lickspittle apologetic spin), followed by the usual groveling apologies and pathology-related excuses (“it was the Ambien”).  So, “racists” are seen to be merely crude bigots, the focus of public humiliation and social pricing, followed by apologetic groveling and implications that negative comments about Coloreds must be due to medication side-effects or some other mental-medical pathology.  In summary, we would all have been better served if Barr had kept her reactive comments to herself.

One difference in our positions is that Salter seems to support liberal nationalism, at least as an option that may appeal to the largest mass of the native population, while still maintaining some degree of concern for ethnic interests.  This seems to me a sort of mainstreaming, making ethnic nationalism more palatable by moving toward the center and justifying greater ethnic homogeneity based upon an appeal to “liberal democratic values” (sort of Jobling’s argument when he was running his website).

However, just like the “Amren Gateway Hypothesis,” mainstreaming has zero empirical evidence supporting it.  Actually, it has a remarkable record of failure, most notably and recently with Ms. Le Pen.

Mainstreaming is based on the idea that the bulk of voters are toward the center, so any Far Right party that wants to win needs to move toward that center and become more palatable to those voters.

There are a number of problems with that.  First, do we know for sure that the target voters are always in the (relative) center, politically speaking?  The genius of the Trump campaign was to realize that a winnable fraction of Republican voters were significantly to the right of the GOP political establishment. In America, in the GOP, it has been the voters who have been mainstreaming toward the Establishment candidates (the Bush family, Dole, McCain, and Romney) rather than the other way around.  Trump moved toward those voters (farstreaming), rather than asking the voters to move politically to accommodate him.  Orban in Hungary is the same.  Of course, the WN position is still much farther to the right than those voters, but, still, the general principle holds.

Second, let us assume that from a Far Right perspective, most of the voters are more towards the center.  So, should the Far Right move toward them?  No, that’s a losing proposition.  Mainstream conservatives always like to feint right come election time.  If you as a Far Right candidate are moving left, toward the center, at some point your position and that of the mainstream conservatives will appear to converge.  Right-of-center voters will always prefer the “safe” and “electable” mainstream conservatives over mainstreaming Far Rightists “tainted” with a past history of “extremism.”  If there is little difference between your position and that of the right-feinting Establishment Right, why would anyone vote for you?  Even those voters skeptical of the Establishment Right’s credibility regards their right-feint won’t be tempted to look in a more radical direction if you’ve watered down your views so as to become another “conservative.”  You will lose respect and credibility, and “turn off” your own more radical base.

What about the young?  What about the need to be more moderate to gain a following among the youth?  Aren’t they all liberals anyway? What about the crowing of the likes of Matt Bai that the bigoted faction of the Trump base is disappearing?  The demographic end of the pincer, the decrease in the White population fraction and the concomitant increase in the Coloreds, well, yes, we all know that is occurring.  But, isn’t that a reason so many Whites, upset at those changes, voted for Trump in the first place?  It’s the other end of the pincer that is less convincing – that the liberalism of young Whites is an immutable characteristic that they will carry with them in the years and decades to come.

There is a stereotype, with some preliminary empirical support, that people tend to get more “conservative” with age.  Let’s say, more generally, they shift to the right.  We can only expect that trend to become even sharper as the racial situation for Whites worldwide continues to degenerate, and tribalism becomes a more dominant force in politics.  Also keep in mind that young Whites have been subjected to an unrelenting barrage of leftist propaganda, which is exponentially been made more potent via the Internet: schools, the news and entertainment media, social media, etc. At the same time, severe social pricing (and the leftist thuggery Trump and Sessions benignly enable) silences rightist voices.  No wonder then that the youth are leftist (besides typical youthful naive faux-idealism); indeed, it is a surprise that any young Whites have healthy ideas at all.  

As these young people age, and encounter the harsh realities of life, and get less dependent upon social media and snarky comedians to form their sociopolitical worldview, they will inevitably jettison, bit by bit, their leftist politics.  They will learn that regardless of their “tolerance” that they are still low-caste subaltern Whites, hated by everyone else and targeted by the System.  Heterosexual White men will find themselves the worst of all, untouchables, the Dalits of the Earth.  Will their leftist social conditioning (i.e. brainwashing) still hold under those conditions?

The likes of Bai should not get overconfident.

In the end, the Far Right needs to get the masses to farstream to us, rather than we mainstreaming to them.

Getting back to the main point: I see no need for liberal nationalism or any other approach that does not give primacy of place to EGI.  Ethnoracial nationalism needs to be sane and balanced for sure, the “mixed ethic” cited by Salter in the third section of On Genetic Interests, and some fundamental, basic human rights can be included (dependent of course on how we define “human”).  Nevertheless, we should not “mainstream” and compromise in order to appeal to fickle, lemming-like masses of sheeple.

If we believe we are the future, the masses eventually must come to us.  “Must” does not imply inevitability; we will need to work for it.  “Must” does imply that this is the only way to achieve long-lasting goals.

The necessity for “culture warriors” I also agree with.  The Right has always been weak in this regard, amplified by the Right’s “declare (premature) victory and go home” pathology, unlike the ever-striving, never-satisfied, always-fighting Left.  It is no coincidence that aggressive leftist SJW political correctness is soaring now under the Presidency of Donald “Alt Right God Emperor” Trump just as it did under Ronald “KKK groups disband because we won in November 1980” Reagan.  Instead of long culture wars of attrition and the long slog through the institutions, the Right gives us the false idols of Men on White Horse frauds.

Three practical problems with “cultural warfare” – 

1. The Right (particularly in the Anglosphere) has been notoriously weak with respect to cultural warfare (I’m talking about the real nationalist Right here, not the “Religious Right”), metapolitics, and serious ideology.  I’m not sure that many on the Right even understand why any of that is important, much less that they would know how to effectively engage in such activities.

2. To the extent that “cultural warriors” exist on the Right, there is poor integration with the more explicitly political arm of the “movement.”  Now, in America, there really isn’t a political arm either (Trump is a civic nationalist cuck and fraud); so in America, in the mess over here, there really isn’t any effective political or any metapolitical/cultural activism.  However, elsewhere – in Europe and Australia for example – there is very weak integration, as the nationalist politicians (or what passes for them) engage in reactive nationalism, in mainstreaming to civic nationalism, or try and dabble in metapolitics themselves, generally with poor results (see point 3).  And in America, whatever embryonic metapolitical and even more nebulous political activism exists is either non-integrated, or you have the ineffective “jack of all trades” problem discussed next.

3. As Salter asserts, for the most part there will need to be specialization of the political and metapolitical spheres, following by cooperative integration of these activities and efforts.  A truly effective “jack of all trades” – someone skilled at politics who is also well versed in ideology and who is a metapolitical master and culture warrior – is very rare (and should be treasured if identified).

A problem therefore is when people engage in activity for which they are ill-suited.  There are people on the American scene (no names, but you can figure out who fits where) with this problem.  There are some people who would have been best suited for electoral politics – either directly as candidates themselves or indirectly as advisers and campaign managers for candidates – and these people instead ineffectively flounder as faux-intellectuals, website managers, ideologists, culture warriors, etc.  On the other hand, there are people suited for intellectual pursuits (even though I may disagree with their views) who put themselves forward in “movement” politics (not even electoral politics), and fail miserably in any leadership capacity whatsoever.

Probably we need even more sub-specialization – for example, some people may be good at organizing meetings and conferences at the level of attracting speakers and attendees, but are completely incompetent at security.  Others may be good at security, but too introverted to do the broad organizing.  Some people are skilled at the more cultural aspects of metapolitics, others at ideology, or are science experts.  We don’t have a critical mass of specialists yet, and the ones we do have can’t work together because of ideological disagreements, personality clashes, and feuding.

One omission in Salter’s work is a lack of analysis on how to defeat social pricing, and I would like to see Salter tackle that problem.

Like Salter, I support the idea of “democratic multiculturalism,” both as part of a main Plan A to defeat the System as well as a fallback Plan B position in case the System will continue going strong for the foreseeable future.  I’ve written a lot about this in the past and there is no need to rehash it now again.

In summary, Salter and I are in agreement with, say, 80% with 20% of difference (a Pareto distribution) on certain specific areas of importance.

I may have more to say on these topics in the future.

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Salter Essay Analysis, Part I

Salter on Australian nationalism and what to do.

I would urge the reader to study Salter’s original essays either before or after reading my comments on them.

Salter has a two part essay about identitarian politics and nationalism from an Australian perspective, but what he writes is broadly applicable throughout the White world.  I’ll examine in part in turn, commenting on particular excerpts of relevance.  Again, these are only excerpts.  You should follow the link and read the whole thing.

The heights of Australian politics and culture have been hijacked by the leftist multicultural establishment. Anglo identitarians – those who think of themselves as part of Australia’s historic identity originating in British settlement or more broadly as part of European civilization – have been marginalized by the anti-Western left. The trend has been apparent for decades in politics and the culture industries. The process began in the universities and mass media. As a result Australia’s Western identity is ever more obscured by hostile news, commentary and curricula. It is being drowned by indiscriminate immigration and oppressed by globalist elites. The historic Australian nation is assailed from all sides at a time when it is leaderless, not protected by the sinews of government but tied up and gagged by them.

And the same applies to the entire Western world.

To fight back, people need a vision of the Australia they want. For what should they fight? The second half of this chapter compares types of nationalism that have been pursued through Australia’s history. For present purposes, nationalists and conservatives will know the fight is won or at least going in a winning direction when assimilation is once again winning over ethno-cultural diversity as a guiding principle for choosing immigrants; in particular when the refugee intake is ended and the migrant intake is greatly reduced and limited mainly to people of European descent; when the Chinese and Indian nations are no longer colonizing Australia and relations with these rising powers are stabilized…

Salter’s wisdom contrasts to Silker lunatics and Asian imperialists, who, under the guise of “White nationalism,” propose Asian colonization of Euro ethnostates and the “borders of the West” guarded by Chinese girls with guns. Indeed, Silk Road White nationalism would consider “Asian Australians” as more authentic representatives of that nation than the Anglo founding stock.

…when schools desist from radical indoctrination and teach children the truth about their nation’s and civilisation’s glorious history; when our sons and daughters are not pitted against each other in a fabricated gender war; when civil liberties are secured largely by keeping the state out of the private realm; when UN mandates are lifted to restore freedom of association, allowing citizens to choose among whom they live and do business; when core institutions are reformed to become more compatible with human nature instead of socially engineering and herding citizens; when the multicultural apparatus is dismantled as a system designed to oppress the nation and is replaced with a democratic multiculturalism that includes fair representation for Anglo Australians; when foreign ownership is once again regulated to protect Australian industry and home owners; in short when the historic nation throws off its shackles and reasserts its prerogatives.

Well said.

These policies will be enacted only when Anglo-Australians become sufficiently mobilised and organised to vote for their ethnic interests and build lobby, media, and educational organizations so powerful that wise politicians avoid offending national sensibilities or appearing less than eager to preserve national identity.

What Salter is talking about is building an infrastructure to leverage against the System in order to pursue ethnic interests.  Note to the Alt Right: Salter does not mention rallies in which “activists” come dressed up like Captain America and Batman, while at the same time denouncing the use of “uniforms.”

Because information is usually incomplete, especially concerning complex matters of policy, it is prudent in choosing goals to start with the most securely known interests. The most certain interests are biological, including personal health and a family that is safe and prosperous. That is why it is vital to have a robust diversified economy, secure borders and safe neighbourhoods. At the next layer of biological interests, one should invest in social cohesion and the secure identities upon which it relies. School curricula should induct children into their culture and history. Without such knowledge it is impossible for young adults to know themselves and Australia’s place in world history.

That is all prudent.

How to achieve those goals? I propose a dual strategy of political and cultural activism, with the two linked so as to mutually reinforce. I also discuss how individuals can contribute.

II

Political Activism

The successes of the Brexit and Trump campaigns point to the feasibility of advancing Western identitarian goals through electoral politics. 

Unfortunately, while Brexit and Trump represented a populist, if not nationalist, resistance, both campaigns (predictably for those who understand sociopolitical realities) have failed to accomplish what their supporters really wanted.  Brexit basically eschews Polish plumbers while welcoming Pakistani sex groomers and child rapists and Jamaican gang-bangers.  Trump’s Presidency has devolved into endless scandals, including sex scandals, and pardons for physically abusive race-mixing Negro boxers.

In Australia the same indication is provided by the success of parties that, together, are breaking the political duopoly that has dominated government since the Second World War…The electoral base of these minor parties consisted mainly of Anglo-Australians, defined broadly to mean individuals who have assimilated and identify with the British-derived nation…The European share of One Nation voters was greater than their 80% of the population.

Racial politics.

In a subsequent analysis, Black observed that the Turnbull government was attempting to win back One Nation voters by tough talk about citizenship and refugees.2 He argued that Turnbull was mindful of Senator Hanson’s wide support from “English-speaking Anzacs”, “English-speakers”, “Kiwis”, “disaffected and angry, white, Australian-born English speakers”, and “Poms”, the great majority being immigration conservatives.

The same old trick: mainstream conservatives shift right to poach ethnic patriotic voters, only to shill for more immigration and more anti-White policies once elected.  And the voters fall for the trick every time.  This also shows why “mainstreaming” is a recipe for failure. When “Far Right” parties “mainstream” and move toward the center, they get politically close enough to mainstream conservatism so as to allow the mainstream conservatives to plausibly position themselves as the “more acceptable and electable version of the same basic policies.”  Time and time again, mainstream conservatives outcompete mainstreaming patriots and time and time again, mainstreaming fails.  In Hungary, we instead see the success of what I call “farstreaming” – Orban, originally a more mainstream conservative, has gone from success to success the farther to the right he has moved; while his rightist competitors at Jobbik, originally on Orban’s right and a credible threat, have experienced political disappointment after they have mainstreamed so far they are now on Orban’s left.  Orban and Jobbik have essentially exchanged places on the Hungarian political spectrum, with greater success being observed with more radical rightist positions.  Even Trump’s election can be viewed as a form of farstreaming success, as Trump’s campaign (as opposed to the man himself and how he has governed) was the most “far right,” politically speaking of any since Reagan, and in some ways even more so.  Mainstreaming is a fraud.  Even if staying true to “extremist” principles results in electoral defeat, that’s better than ditching your principles and still being defeated.  At least in the first case, you stake out a position and gradually normalize it through participation in the political process; in the second case, you lose you vacate your ideological high ground and become just another vaguely “conservative” politician, albeit one unelectable compared to your more tame conservative colleagues because of your past “extremist” positions.  Mainstreaming gives you the worst of both electability and ideological promotion: you are still unelectable while weakening your ability to promote an ideology and educate the public.

One Nation’s appeal to Anglo Australians has profound implications. A party could dominate Australian politics if it became identified in the public mind as representing mainstream Australia. At the same time, the census reveals the nation is splitting into ethnic zones, accelerating the rise of identity politics, including among Anglo Australians. The makeup of One Nation’s supporters shows that the nation is not as far gone as its enemies hope, that survival is possible. For many journalists and commentators it is a bitter fact that the original Australian nation is not dead.

One Nation is showing the honesty and courage necessary to represent mainstream Australians and thus the national interest, especially on the issues of Islamic immigration, foreign ownership, and leftist bias in public broadcasting. The party would be allocating resources efficiently if it invested in appealing to its Anglo base, because Anglos are most likely to respond positively and because they are a majority of the population.

As a nationalist party that represents the majority population, One Nation or its successors could become a major political force. However there are obstacles to achieving this, the greatest being that the party’s ethnic appeal is due to the intuitions of the leadership. Party leaders care about Australia and are courageous but like the mainstream parties are not versed in the sociology or history of ethnicity and nationalism. Their ethnic vision of society is implicit. Beyond Pauline Hanson’s wish that Australia return to a relatively united culture, her party has not described the Australia they want in realistic demographic terms. This places One Nation among conventional political parties, not at the cutting edge of reform and renewal.

This is a key, important, fundamental observation, and it is good that Salter objectively identifies weaknesses in One Nation here.  This is particularly important since the same weaknesses are inherent in much of right-wing populist and “mild” nationalist parties and even in some “movement” groups, such as the Alt Right and certainly the Alt Lite.  No doubt Trump goes by “intuition” and “feeling” rather than by thoughtful analysis, ideology, and an explicit ethnoracial focus. We need cutting edge parties and leaders.

Pauline Hanson’s biographer, Anna Broinowski, summarises her nationalism as a deep nostalgia for the monocultural Anglo society of her childhood.7 The left and minority chauvinists disparage nostalgia for any European society. In reality it is noble to be nostalgic for the sense of belonging and community that Australia is losing. There is nothing wrong with such emotion as part of a social vision. But nostalgia can only serve that function if it is attached to analysis. That requires cultural expertise and vision. Politicians cannot be expected to cover all bases. They rely on intellectuals in the humanities and social sciences. The anti-national left’s domination of the universities helps explain why nationalist social analysis is weak.

That last sentence is important.  The suggestion, the implication is that the Right is weak intellectually, analytically, and academically.  The Left’s domination of academia is, as Salter asserts, one key reason for this.  But the Right itself is to blame, for its anti-intellectual tendencies, its reliance on irrational impulses to the exclusion of rational analysis, its eager grasping onto bizarre memes, fossilized dogmas, and crackpot conspiracy theories as well as crackpot pseudoscience.  What passes for “rightist academic analysis” these days is HBD nonsense and “traditionalist” rambling about “the pyramids of Atlantis” being built by “psychokinesis.”  The Right is an unfriendly place for rational, empirical academics, and until that changes, don’t expect the problems identified by Salter to be soon rectified.

Political leaders could exploit cultural capital by the following:

1. Talking about how cultural and racial diversity undermines social cohesion;

2. Introducing the public to the meaning and benefits of nationhood and its reliance on a dominant and confident core ethnic identity;

3. Explaining that multiculturalism is an ethnic hierarchy that subordinates Anglo Australians;

4. Linking indigenous identity to Australia’s historic Anglo identity;

5. Maintaining a rational rage against the corruption of the universities and proposing remedial policies;

6. Working with responsible protest groups to defend the right to public assembly;

7. Explaining how the ANZACs have been betrayed by abrogating the social contract between generations. They did not fight and die for open borders or multiculturalism or foreign ownership;

8. Formulating and transmitting these messages would be made possible by working with nationalist think tanks to obtain analysis and personnel. The identitarian political front cannot advance far without drawing on advances in the culture war.

Who is actually doing this?  

III

Cultural Activism

Identitarian goals can also be advanced by cultural and social work. This overlaps the idea of metapolitics, though that term has obscure post-modernist meanings. Raising ethnic and national consciousness is the prime goal of identitarian cultural activism, a necessary condition for national liberation.

At present patriotic ideas are marginal in academe but have the huge advantage of being largely true or at least open to scientific findings on history and ethnicity. Cosmopolitans, whether motivated by corporate or leftist or minority-chauvinist values, have become anti-scientific in order to construct an ideology that justifies attacking natural parochialisms, from families to nations. Long ago they expelled biological theories of human nature from the social sciences.8 The result has been intellectual chaos. Radical academics have maintained dominance only by non-intellectual means. Research by psychologist Jonathan Haidt9 confirm what many academics have experienced for decades, that conservatives and nationalist are driven out of university careers by hostile work environments and career-limiting bias.

This is all true.  But it is also true that the “movement” is all a “hostile work environment” for activists with an academic/intellectual bent.  The overall disinterest in EGI and, in general all of Salter’s work, is troubling.  In Salter and his work, activists have a rich resource that can be mined for ideas and for guidance, and most of them would rather dress up like Captain America at rallies, make drunken podcasts, or sniff about “spectral psychokinesis,” “orcs,” or “Kali Yuga.”  

Cultural warfare is more fundamental than electoral politics and has objectives broader than those of any political party, even one with a cultural string to its bow. A full cultural strategy cannot be managed by the political leadership; it must be conducted by cultural warriors. That is why the political and cultural strategies will often be separate specialisations, which nevertheless depend upon one another. Just as smart parties invest in culture, wise cultural warriors reach out to help political campaigns. Though neither side can be well managed by the other, both depend on the other; simultaneously self-managing and interdependent.

This is important, and I concur that such cooperation is crucial. Unfortunately, it rarely occurs.  Politicians, who pride themselves on their “pragmatism” and attention to “the real word,” often look with disdain on culture warriors, viewed as “pie in the sky theorists.” For their part, the culture warriors sniff disdainfully at “crude politics” and claim “the time is not right” and we should exclusively concentrate on “metapolitics” (ill-defined).

Those engaged in cultural advocacy for their people also need theory if they are to compete with opponents who for generations have been beating them hands down. The starting point is to understand how cosmopolitans and globalists have been winning. A key source is Canadian sociologist Eric Kaufmann’s 2004 text, The Rise and Fall of Anglo America. Kaufmann traces the rise of radical cosmopolitanism from its beginnings in the late nineteenth century to its victory over America’s traditional culture leaders in the 1950s and 1960s. Instrumental for that victory was the left’s capture of much of the centralised mass media and elite university culture by the post-Second World War years. This wrested the heights of culture production and distribution from the hands of traditionalist Anglo-Americans. Since then radicals have been mopping up Anglo resistance. They put down the Old South’s resistance to desegregation in the 1950s and 1960s. In 1965 they opened the borders to Third World immigration despite lack of popular support.

A missing word here: Jews.

When America lost the cultural cold war so did Australia because we depend on U.S. military and economic power and are net importers of American culture. Academic disciplines and markets for culture are international, especially within language zones such as the Anglosphere. Now the U.S. and Australia are being mopped up through replacement-level immigration, the final irreversible cultural-genocidal stage of the conflict.

Kaufmann’s analysis provides lessons in cultural warfare. Cosmopolitans invested in mobilizing intellectuals and professionals, and through them winning the hearts and minds of up-and-coming leaders. They:

1. Maintained their objectives but used flexible methods. Kaufmann traces the cosmopolitan movement back to 1876. Through all the ideological and organisational changes they retained their hostility to Anglo-Christian America. The New York Intellectuals, who brought cosmopolitanism to victory in the U.S., began in the 1930s as Stalinists, converted to Trotskyism before dividing into nihilistic radicals and pseudo-conservatives (‘neo-conservatives’). Persistence paid off in the 1950s and 1960s, almost a century later, when radicals found places in the universities and the federal government.

Jews.

2. Pursued objectives strategically. Cosmopolitans prioritised ethnic goals over other radical policies. This meant that the goal of liberal immigration trumped most other policies. For example, feminists and gay rights activists have not oppose the immigration of Muslims who hold them in contempt, and environmentalists did not oppose large scale immigration that increased the number of consumers and polluters.

Unlike Der Movement, which is incapable of thinking strategically, is always asserting an imminent System “collapse” and whose “long-term” planning is typically in the realm of weeks or months,

3. Funded their intellectuals with generous philanthropy.

Salter should be funded. The failed Tin Cup Fuhrers of Der Movement should not.

4. Established parallel institutions, social and educational, from which they sallied forth to participate in mainstream politics and culture.

Precisely the type of infrastructure building I’ve been promoting and that the “movement” ignores.

5. Developed tribe-like solidarity and hatreds. Kaufmann describes the pseudo ethnic character of the New York Intellectuals. One aspect of the tribal spirit of the radicals was their unwritten rule against public criticism of other leftists and their intolerance of those whose views they rejected. They showed a racist-like loathing and contempt for conservatives and small town Anglos.

Jews.

6. Found psychological substitutes for religion in ideology and organisations. Their cohesion and ultimate triumph were achieved despite them rejecting traditional religion, not because of it. Put differently, their militant atheism was costly, driven not by cost-benefit logic but by some non-rational impulse to attack Christendom. One lesson for universal nationalists, those who want everyone to enjoy the benefits of identity and community, is that their fight back will be easier because they support religious freedom.

7. Prioritised gaining positions in universities, government departments and the media.

8. Showed disdain and intolerance for opponents, which marginalised conservatives and nationalists, yielding an effective radical monopoly in the universities. This intolerance continues as a hallmark of culture industries across the West.

Unfortunately, the Right is often also intolerant of their own intellectuals.  “The future is in the forest,” don’t you know.

9. Strove to secure career paths for members. Junior recruits were mentored and defectors ostracised.

Compare that to Der Movement, where “leaders” have pontificated that such activities are useless since “the System will collapse within five years.”  Head to the hills!  Grab your musket and pemmican!

10. Put great effort into acquiring or starting journals of analysis and opinion, such as Ramparts and The New York Review of Books, mainstays of the New York Intellectuals. These magazines gave the network some aspects of an academy. They emphasised intellectual achievement, not electoral politics. They adopted the cultural warfare objective of influencing the culture industries, which construct and distribute information, including entertainment, news and commentary. By the 1950s the New York Intellectuals were being hired by the universities and government agencies, which accelerated the march of cultural Marxism.

Jews.

A deeper unstated implication of Kaufmann’s analysis is that these radical cosmopolitans…

Jews.

Religion has been a major front in the culture wars for at least a century. It should give pause that radicals and multiculturalists strive to separate the nation from Christianity and turn the secular state against that religion. Andrew Fraser has studied the role of Christianity in forging the English and Australian nations.12 Other theorists have studied religion as a “group evolutionary strategy” that forges cohesion and cooperation.13 Still other analysts observe that religions provide identity markers.14

According to evolutionary biologists D. S. Wilson and K. MacDonald, Christianity has underpinned European cultural group strategies, which release and direct intense altruism. These group strategies defend bio-cultures by clarifying identity and intensifying altruism. Andrew Fraser includes Australia in his observation that the Christian religion, through myth and ritual, has provided motivation essential for ethnic and national defence. England and Australia originated as Christian nations.

I’m no fan of Christianity and certainly no fan of Fraser, but I understand where the Anglo-Australian Salter is coming from here.

Both Christians and secular patriots need to understand the importance of religion in the culture wars. For Christianity has been a historic identity marker uniting European nations and Europe as a whole against existential and internal threats.

That’s fine as far as it goes.  It goes too far when people make Christianity the litmus test for the West, put religion ahead of race, and start ranting that atheists and agnostics (and pagans too I suppose) should make a pretense of Christian belief so as to “fit in.”  No, sorry, not going to do that. By the way, it is the responsibility of Christian racialists and nationalists to show us how their religion can be reformed and is currently compatible with EGI.  It is not the responsibility, and certainly not the obligation, of non-Christian atheists to help Christians reform their cuck-religion.

These great deeds could not have been accomplished without a Church which saw its pastoral duty as extending to defence of the people, their nations and civilisation. De-Christianisation has been a successful strategy for breaking down ethnic and national solidarity of Western peoples. 

The Christian churches themselves have been in the forefront of this.  Can they be reformed?  Christians need to show the way.  Not me.

Countering this is an important part of an identitarian cultural strategy. 

I really do not agree with that.

The concept of “political warfare” was adopted by Rich Higgins, a security analyst who worked for the National Security Council during the early Trump presidency. Higgins described the unprecedented institutional attacks on Trump and noted that:

Political warfare operates as one of the activities of the “counter-state” and is primarily focused on the resourcing and mobilization of the counter state or the exhaustion and demobilization of the targeted political movement. Political warfare methods can be implemented at strategic, operational, or tactical levels of operation.16

Higgins also described the larger goals of political warfare:

Attacks on President Trump are not just about destroying him, but also about destroying the vision of America that lead to his election. Those individuals and groups seeking the destruction of President Trump actually seek to suffocate the vision of America that made him president. Hence, the end state is not just a delegitimized, destabilized, immobilized and possibly destroyed presidency; but also a demoralized movement composed of a large enough bloc to elect a president that subsequently become[s] self-aware of its own disenfranchisement.17

Trump has been busy destroying himself and shunning his White base.

It is relevant that Higgins knew, as did every political analyst in the U.S., that Trump’s implicit constituency was white America. The deep state’s goal is not only to bring down the Trump presidency but to break the political will of the historic American nation. A similar situation exists in Australia, with the difference that the political leadership is still in the hands of the multicultural establishment.

The only reason to support Trump.

It is significant that Higgins, a staffer loyal to Trump’s original policies, was fired by a more senior staffer. Training competent and loyal staff is one obvious benefit of cultural activism, which will be discussed further.

Are we surprised that Higgins is gone?  Trump has shifted left upon election, as do ALL Republican “conservatives.”

IV

Feedback: the Virtuous Cycle

So far I have discussed political and cultural strategies for protecting national identity and thus cohesion. Also important is the relationship between them. Electoral and cultural successes need to feed on one another to produce positive feedback. That salutary process should be facilitated where possible because only exponential growth can allow national movements to acquire the numbers and commitment they need to stand against globalist forces.

Very true.  But as I stated above, both sides of the rightist Political-Cultural divide disdain the other.

The cultural front can also help the political front by providing able and loyal staffers. Incompetent or subversive staff are a frequent reason minor parties fail. Patriotic parties must be able to draw on a pool of speech writers, policy analysts and media people who not only support conservative and nationalist values but are able to defend them with social and economic arguments. Promising politicians are too often hobbled, diverted, or hijacked by opportunists.

Or, in many cases, the opportunists are the politicians themselves. Hello Trump!

By constructing parallel institutions in education, media and welfare – all cultural projects – the movement would be better placed to retain its core values as it grows, resisting the temptation to compromise with “big tent” politics. The goal should be to roll back the subversive aspects of the cultural revolution that began in the 1960s while accepting change that is benign or harmless.

Parallel cultural institution should be of sufficiently high quality to be worthy of large investments and philanthropic bequests. Projects should be positive, not reactive. Wealthy individuals will only support groups whose operations are scalable, i.e. whose output rises with investment. Thus they will look for talented individuals and organisations whose performances can be broadcast on radio, television or internet. In the early phase the key ingredient is quality, not quantity.

Who will do this infrastructure building?  The current “movement” has proven itself incapable of doing so.

Two obvious examples are a news service and, more importantly, an online academy. The latter would teach what the universities refuse to teach. Subjects would include social science that incorporates biosocial theories of human nature. Students would be introduced to research on ethnicity, nationality, social cohesion, political and cultural history, reproductive strategies, gender and race, and comparative civilisation.

The dual culture-politics strategy makes sense only if it includes a reformist critique of the universities’ anti-Western bias. The social sciences and humanities are the jewels in the globalist crown. They must be won back to serve truth. Only by fixing the corruption in higher education will political victories be sustainable.

How to fight social pricing?  Theorists like Salter should tackle this problem.  I have no ideas myself other than that of building a sufficient infrastructure so as to “defang” the power of social pricing.  But this is a classic “chicken-and-egg” scenario since social pricing stands in the way of the initial steps of infrastructure building required to defang social pricing.

Political and cultural strategies should be aimed at carving out a constituency. In asymmetrical conflicts the little guy does not have many victories, and when he does, the resulting political and cultural capital is fleeting. So victories should be maximally exploited. The goal should be to complete the feedback loop. Political victories yield platforms, windows of publicity. These should be used to draw people’s attention to important values. Identity comes first, because interests so often depend on who we are.

No greater victory has been won by the enemies of the Australian nation and the West than the obscuring of traditional identities. Those the gods would destroy they first make mad, and loss of identity is madness. Nationalist advocates should expend their limited political capital on clarifying and reaffirming the nation’s core Anglo European identity. That is best achieved through two-way feedback between political and cultural activities.

Good sense, no doubt.  How to actually go about doing it is another story. The “movement” as it exists today is a poor vehicle for getting us there.

(a)

Multiculturalism

An arena in which feedback should be effective is multiculturalism. This is an important doctrine used to legitimate mass non-European immigration and suppress majority resistance.

Identitarians need a Plan B in situations where (and while) nationalism has failed to produce a homogeneous nation state. They need a strategy that protects ethnic and civilisational interests in the face of hostile multicultural regimes. In particular, the strategy needs to be workable in a situation where the majority or original nation has been subordinated by the aggressive type of multiculturalism practised in the West. This type consists of an alliance between minority ethnics and big coercive governments, promoted by the left cultural establishment.

And that Plan B is democratic multiculturalism, which I endorse, and which actually can form a component of Plan A as well.

A promising strategy is to advocate “democratic multiculturalism”, in which the subaltern majority mobilises to demand group rights in the same way that minorities do. The majority is disadvantaged because, far from being treated as a client by the cosmopolitan elite, it is viewed as the main enemy. Nevertheless, agitating for democratic multiculturalism should yield positive results because the identity politics used to mobilise minorities will also work to some extent with Anglos, more so when their level of discomfort rises…Democratic multiculturalism promises to be a powerful strategy if feedback is successfully channeled between electoral and cultural activists. Electoral success can provide resources and growing legislative power. Cultural products can arouse identity and thus prime a growing constituency to vote for identitarian parties. By raising national identity and mobilisation the strategy stands to provide a rear-guard. New parties and activist groups are slowing and blunting multicultural policies such as open borders and the criminalisation of Anglo resistance. 

“Movement” retards say all of that is “dishonoring our ancestors.”  Instead we all need to “grab dem muskets” and head off into the woods.

The doctrine of democratic multiculturalism provides a Plan B that can grow alongside and support the Plan A of liberal and ethnic nationalist strategies while giving people a workable way of life in coping with the diversity inflicted by a hostile political class.

Exactly, do both at the same time; thus Plan B can be a part of Plan A, as well as being a fallback position in case Plan A fails.

(b)

Risks of Feedback

Cultural activists should remain autonomous, speaking truth to power. To do so they should not be wedded to any politician or party. They should throw their support behind politicians who are good for Australia and punish those who are not. 

In a word: Trump.  The lickspittle worship of the “God Emperor” by factions of the Right is juvenile and pathetic. That’s America; as Salter suggests, the same principle applies to Australia (and throughout the Western world).

Likewise, politicians should support promising cultural projects. They need to gather constituents able to diffuse ideas into the community. There is no ironclad solution. The relationship between political and cultural activism will sometimes need to be explicitly managed. What is certain is that a national revival will be unattainable without positive feedback between them.

“Explicitly managed.”  I agree, because as I suggested above, if left to their own devices, the political and cultural spheres will disdain each other and achieve nothing…for the Right.  Of course, the more politically mature Left has had a seamless cooperation between Politics and Culture for many decades. Question: Who will be these explicit managers?

A fundamental challenge is weak leadership caused by political expediency. 

In a word: Mainstreaming.

 (c)

Personal Activism

Finally, I want to discuss personal strategy. What can one isolated person do with few resources and an imperfect grasp of the situation? Those engaged in asymmetric conflict must think hard about this question. First and always, citizens should strive to learn more about society, human nature, and the political process, circumventing establishment censorship.

Individual activism can be political and cultural. On the political front, join or support a party or special interest group that represents our people directly or indirectly. Choose one that is capable of making a difference. That is usually not a single-issue or tiny party. Whichever party or group you do join, agitate to have it accept members who are open national activists.

Cultural activism is broader and more varied, including individual artistic expression. On the joining side, get involved with or if necessary establish a group performing useful or needed work. Examples include supporting patriotic events such as Australia Day and Anzac Day; celebrating cultural events, such as Anglo-Celtic and European ethnic festivals and local community events. Become involved in community associations such as historical societies and local suburban groups, such as those resisting high-rise property development. Look for ways to help old people and families trapped in hostile immigrant suburbs. Friendly contact can reduce the sense of isolation and threat. Do chores, help with shopping. Alert the local council and police about local crime and anti-social behaviour. Provide information about welfare rights.

These are exactly the sorts of things I have been advocating for a long time, even as far back as my interview for Robert Griffin’s book.  The “movement” has not listened; the Type I activists have neither the desire nor the aptitude for these types of activities.

As already noted, religion is an important front in the culture war. There are things individuals can do. The religious should get involved in their local churches. Have a presence. Express yourself sincerely while listening to others. Urge ministers, priests and lay people to respect Anglo Australians’ multicultural rights and return the church to its pastoral duty of uniting all communities. Oppose those who seek to hijack religion to harm the nation. The latter point applies to those who are not religious, who can legitimately claim and defend Christianity’s cultural heritage. They can also defend their (and others) ancestral religions against vilification. They can teach children about the religion of their ancestors, the heroes of their faith, their music, art and literature. Cultural Christians can encourage clerics who speak up for the nation and for wholesome values.

For an atheist like me, this: “The latter point applies to those who are not religious, who can legitimately claim and defend Christianity’s cultural heritage. They can also defend their (and others) ancestral religions against vilification” seems like good sense.

Stand up for your beliefs at work and among colleagues and friends. Use common sense. There are often opportunities to express viewpoints in workplaces. That includes responses to workplace surveys and electing union representatives. Communicate your views in a non-aggressive manner that maintains social norms.

This is an extremely important paragraph of suggestions.  The last sentence is the sort of it-should-be-obvious advice that escapes many “activists.”  Crude Bunkerism is counter-productive.  Set a good example, and, as Salter suggests “use common sense.”  Make use of the opportunities that present themselves to get pro-White views aired, normalizing such views, engaging in “democratic multiculturalism,” and heightening the contradictions while promoting racial balkanization.

Elites have greater responsibility. Individuals influential in politics, economy or culture should examine their consciences. They have a duty of care, especially to their own nations.

Elites are traitors and at some time in the future need to be held accountable for their treason.

V

Choosing an Adaptive Nationalism

A big decision individuals need to make concerns political goals. What are the most adaptive policies relating to the national question?

Our starting position is nationalist, meaning that the nation is something worth preserving. But what is a nation and why is it valuable? At the start of this essay I described some nationalist policy objectives, without defining nationalism. For present purposes it can be defined as a form of social cohesion or solidarity derived from national identity. At its simplest and most cohesive a nation is an ethnic group living in its homeland, the latter being a named and demarcated territory. An ethnic group is a population with a proper name that believes itself to be descended from common ancestors.

Politicians refer to the nation while perpetuating mass indiscriminate immigration and approving a coercive multicultural apparatus that subordinates the founding historic nation. Are such politicians nationalists and can their policies produce social cohesion?

No.

To decide that, we need to examine doctrines that have attracted the nationalist label.

I will next proceed to an analysis of Part II, when time allows.

Two Maxims

Some things I’ve discussed before, but which are worth emphasizing.

The first came to my attention from the work of the defector “Viktor Suvorov.”

Maxim One: Revolutions typically do not occur during the period of greatest repression; instead, they take place after that repression is suddenly relaxed.

Examples: The French Revolution, the Bolshevik Revolution, Glasnost leading to the Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe.

The System/Left knows this, if only instinctively.  Hence, they are doubling down on all their anti-White, SJW narratives and repression after Trump’s victory.  They refuse to concede an inch, refuse to take White concerns seriously; they understand that if they start compromising, they are (eventually) finished.  And they correct to believe that; however, we must create a situation in which they simply will not have a choice but to attempt compromise; the alternative for them being, in the long-term, even more untenable.  That’s why I advocate in favor of Salter’s strategy of Democratic Multiculturalism, a form of sociopolitical ju-jitsu that forces the System to either compromise with the White Right (eventually dooming them) or openly admitting that their entire worldview is morally illegitimate (eventually dooming them as well, particularly as that would increase White demands for the Democratic Multiculturalism option, bringing the System back to square one).  But the nitwit Type I activists of the “movement” reject that strategy in favor of their Turner Diaries fantasies and other stupidities.

Maxim Two: For any dissident force – guerrilla armies in the field, underground dissidents, racial nationalists and other fringe political movements – maintaining your existence in the face of System oppression, surviving, continuing Fabian tactics and strategies, still being there, that is itself a victory.  As long as you exist, the System has not won; as long as you exist, you prove that you could win, you place doubt in the minds of your opponents and of the masses, and if you can outlast your foe, eventual victory may very well be yours.

Thus, the importance of prioritizing survival, for not directly engaging with a superior foe, for using ju-jitsu and Fabian strategies; hence, the value of continued existence in the face of a seemingly overpowering adversary.

This applies to the “movement” as a whole, as well as dissident groupuscules within the “movement” such as EGI Notes.

Bowden: Never Apologize

Mostly wise words.

There’s some good material here.  First, a concise and useful contrast between Right and Left – not based on “economics” – but based on the (true) Right’s belief in inequality and hierarchy, while the Left is obsessed with a false egalitarian equality.

Bowden rightly advises to never apologize, not to “say sorry” to justify forceful action. He includes not apologizing when being called “fascist” – indeed, he tells us that there nothing is wrong with fascism, a point certain elements in the “movement” cannot accept.  True, there are activists who truly are not in any way fascist, and that should be respected; in addition, no doubt there are tactical reasons why, at specific times (and those times only), true fascists should be prudent in displaying their ardent fascism.  But in general, many people in the “movement” (whether they know it or not or accept it or not) are fascists (broadly defined) of one sort or another (including national socialists; national socialism being – dissenters to the contrary – a race-based form of fascism).  These activists should accept the label and, as Bowden suggests, never apologize.

The only discordant chord for me is the part about resentment.  After all, resentment over real victimhood can be a powerful force, and, if used tactically via democratic multiculturalism, can be utilized as an approach to increase power.  There is a difference between mobilizing resentment (and hatred) for actualizing power, and wallowing in victimhood and beseeching for pity.

Spencer’s Speech, 11/22/16

Brief comments.

In isolation, nothing wrong with Spencer’s speech.  It was just the wrong place at the wrong time.  At a private meeting, at some other point in history, absolutely nothing wrong with it. But at a public, press-attended meeting, right after Trump’s election, with the media screaming for Bannon’s scalp, this was a bit of poor judgment.  Better to have put something together in more political-Salterian terms: democratic multiculturalism, universal nationalism, the legitimacy of majority interests, etc. I thought the whole point – or at least one major point – of the Alt Right was to be a more moderate “gateway” to hardcore WN. I’m skeptical of the “gateway” hypothesis, but if those guys believe it, better they publicly espouse democratic multiculturalism than do cheap NSDAP imitations.  Further, if you are going to “go radical” then why have the likes of Brimelow and Taylor around? Is there any strategy here, or just – as Der Movement would say – “LARPING?”

And about the leftist thug protestors – that happens at every rightist meeting, and at very meeting it seems like the attendees – and, worse, the organizers – are completely surprised and unprepared for it.  No one ever seems to think: “hey, these things have happened every time before, let us be prepared this time.”  If Der Movement doesn’t like my talk about affirmative action and quota queens then they have no one to blame but themselves.

Then we have this idiot “Ravi” (who Silver of all people effectively answered – fair is fair, I must give credit where credit is due):

Ravi • 2 hours ago

Children of the sun!! – what a load of tripe. So does this White Master race include Slavs as well? What about the Irish, Italians, Spaniards? What is a short, slit-eyed Vietnamese harlot doing in your ranks anyway? Is she white or yellow? So many questions – Do you even understand your own identity?

Let’s fisk:

Children of the sun!! – what a load of tripe

Why?

So does this White Master race include Slavs as well?

Yes it does.  No more and no less than any other European group.  Der Movement may not believe that but I, and others, do.

What about the Irish, Italians, Spaniards?

Yes, them as well.  No more and no less than any other European group.  Der Movement may not believe that but I, and others, do.

What is a short, slit-eyed Vietnamese harlot doing in your ranks anyway? 

A representative of the HBD faction?  Where was Derbyshire?

Is she white or yellow?

Yellow.

Do you even understand your own identity?

Yes, more than you can ever imagine.

Note again (assuming “Ravi” is a South Asian brownster) how hate-filled Asians are to Whites, how desperate Asians are to divide Whites against each other.

In the long-term, it’s the Yellow and Brown Peril from the East that is the biggest racial danger.

Sallis Strategy: The Center Does Not Hold

Chaos and division.

I must admit to being naive.  I believed the polls and was wrong about Der Touchback’s chances of winning (unlike Der Movement, I have no problem admitting when I am wrong), and now I am surprised about the rapid and ferocious Left reaction to Trump’s victory.  Yes, I am naive indeed.

The last few days have been eye-opening.  Not content to wait (like I had stupidly thought) for President Trump to actually do something (e.g,, an immigration crackdown) before acting like a bunch of jackasses, the SJWs took to the streets (and Twitter) in an eruption of stupidity, violence, and chaos-inducing tantrum protesting.  And it is continuing.  All those folks who voted for Trump are watching no doubt, and they cannot be pleased.

I on the other hand am pleased, as it fits in with the Sallis Strategy.  While wrong about the details, at least I was right (as were others) that a Trump victory would unleash forces of chaos, division,and balkanization in America. And the Left’s rage that “we will never accept this” and “never normalize this” holds out hope that this disunity will continue.  The specifically anti-White aspect of the protests, the vandalism, and the violence is also being noted by White Trump supporters.

Excellent.  Excellent.  What was that Putnam wrote on diversity eroding public trust and societal solidarity?  You’re seeing it action folks.  That “America is two nations” is not idle talk.  While unfortunately not true literally, it is increasingly true demographically, culturally, politically,and spiritually.

Now, I’ve been describing the “bottom-up” reaction of the Left.  But the “top-down” reaction is just as promising.  The elites have (so far at least) learned nothing from Trump’s surprising victory.  Instead of reflecting on White anger and resentment, they instead double down on their anti-White attitudes (as I’ve written many times – Hatred of Trump is a proxy for hatred of Whites), and spew forth venom (e.g., media, Reid, celebrities, various pundits) and excuses (it was Comey, not the fact that Democrats are overtly anti-White,* which led to Clinton’s historic defeat).

These folks have learned nothing, and I doubt that they are capable of learning anything. Their racial animus toward Whites is so ingrained that any serious thought about the facts of the case becomes short-circuited – the idea that Whites have legitimate grievances are taboo.  They just can’t go there.  Instead talk about “White Privilege” and “White racism” (we wish!) and other nonsense.  In other words, the System is behaving in exactly the same manner that alienated White folks to begin with, the Left bemoans Trump’s victory and then they continue to do the same exact things which led to that victory in the first place.

And then we have the mendacious Sanders, who does utter the phrase “White working class,” but who forgets his own contemptuous dismissal of those folks during the election. Further, any economics-based “outreach” to White middle class and working class Americans is going to fail, since their alienation is not based solely, or even mainly, on economics – even those few leftists who take the election results seriously do not understand this. This is ultimately about Identity, about race and culture – White folks are not going to forget the Democratic Party’s hatred for, and abandonment of, Whites just because a few economic bones are belatedly thrown in their direction,  It’s far too late for that.

So, what we have is an unprecedented opportunity.  Der Movement, if it is any good, should be leveraging these events to promote division, chaos, despair, hatred, rage, bitterness, and balkanization throughout the land, fanning the flames of the fires started by leftist hysteria over Trump’s victory. A fraction of Trump’s supporters are ripe for recruitment – albeit recruitment by a real movement, one that is sane and that does not reject half of Trump’s White base.  The time is propitious for that, and equally propitious for other right-wing populist candidates to “strike while the iron is hot” and get into politics at the congressional, state, and local levels.  And also propitious for ordinary Whites to practise Salter’s democratic multiculturalism, which would unravel the multicultural consensus from the inside out.

The center does not hold.  It all falls apart for the System, but it will be too slow and possibly not enough in the time left if this “falling apart” is not helped along.  This will be a test for Der Movement.  This is the real “last chance for White America.”  

We’ll see if the caliper crowd is up to the challenge.

*Republican cucks are not much better (although they usually try and hide it), but in this election, the candidate was less of a cuck than normal.

October Thoughts on Der Movement and Der Trump

What next?

Overarching objective: Establishment of White ethnostates in America, Europe, etc.  I would go further and advocate for Yockey’s White Imperium, but at minimum, WN generally agrees on the ethnostate idea.

Strategies: These should be multi-variant; in other words, don’t put “all your eggs in one basket.” Further, different contexts, and changing, fluid current events will demand variable approaches.

In general, two things are required: eliminating the current System and constructing a New Order to replace it.  The beginning of construction of the New Order need not wait for the full elimination of the System but can begin in embryonic form now; indeed, activities in constructing this New Order can have the additional benefit of helping to destabilize the existing System.

The positive approaches of New Order construction can be analyzed another day; what about the negative aspect of tearing down the existing System, an objective which should be the predominant (albeit as just indicated, not sole) focus of effort now?

There is of course “direct action” (a euphemism) – not something to be discussed in any public forum, not my specialty by any means, and no doubt premature without a base of support among a reasonable fraction of the White population.

Building that base of support?  Some of it will come from the positive constructive efforts alluded to above.  People who support what which they have a stake in, and will not support that they do not have a stake in.  We must make Whites stakeholders in a New Order, by demonstrating to them, via concrete constructive action, what their place will be within it; at the same time, by delegitimizing the present System, we present to Whites the clear indication that they are not, and can never be, stakeholders in that System.

How to delegitimize the System?  Leveraging Trump is a start (see more on Trump below); more fundamentally, I’m a strong supporter of Salter’s idea of “democratic multiculturalism” and have explained, in the linked posts, what that is and how that can be used to weaken and undermine the System.

Indeed, anything that contributes to increasing the System’s inherent tendency to balkanizing disintegration and “bowling alone” atomization of disaffected individuals, should be encouraged.

Getting back to Trump, I recently speculated on options for Der Movement in case of a Trump loss or win.  What about Trump’s own possible plans and how that ay intersect with “movement” interests?

If Trump loses, he may start a “media empire,” according to reports, an empire that would promote the sort of right-wing populism espoused by Trump in this campaign cycle.  That would present opportunities, but things are not so clear-cut.  On the one hand, Trump is a Negro-loving civic nationalist with Jewish family connections.  On the other hand, he’s run a right-wing populist campaign with only a very thin membrane separating it from the more moderate elements of the Alt Right, and one could expect a defeated Trump to be very bitter against a System that overtly conspired against him.  A key point here is that Trump is more or less an intellectual empty vessel, so one must take care as to what is poured into him.  It would seem that some of Coulter’s work infiltrated into what passes for Fat Don’s “brain” and led him rightward on immigration; what will filter into that empty vessel after an election defeat?  Can Der Movement put down its calipers and be ready for this window of opportunity?  Or will the quota queens mess it all up again?  It would be great – it would be “YUGE” – if the work of Salter could be brought to Trump’s attention.  No, I don’t expect Trump to read On Genetic Interests (unless someone makes a graphic novel or porno version of the book), but maybe someone else (like Trump’s sons*) could read it, or at least read some of my summaries of it (here or at Amren), and explain it to Dear Old Dad. The fact that the book is NOT in any way “anti-Semitic” or “anti-Negro” would I think make it more palatable to the Trump clan.

One could hope that a defeated Trump would be a “moneybags” for at least the more moderate elements of the “far-Right” but I wouldn’t pin too many hopes on that; someone stingy in spending their money on their own political campaign would hardly be expected to be generous to others.  And if he did give money, would Der Movement be in a position to take advantage?  Or would it all go, for example, to the Milo-ites?

*Not Ivanka, who I suspect would have been a Clinton supporter had she not been Trump’s daughter. I can’t help notice that Ivanka is the only member of the Trump clan praised by the Establishment; this may partly be due to the System’s man-hating feminism, and partly out of the sense that she’s really a closet liberal.