Category: pan-European

Narcissism of Minor Differences

A world of difference.

Let us consider “the narcissism of small differences” also known as “the narcissism of minor differences” (NMD) – one of Freud’s few legitimate conceptions. The purpose of this analysis is not to deny the importance of differences that exist between, e.g., different types of Europeans, but instead to understand why such differences sometimes become exaggerated to maladaptive levels, inhibiting the development of the sort of pan-European cooperation that is necessary.

Let’s consider this nonsense from Anton Blok (emphasis added):

This essay explores the theoretical implications of Freud’s notion of `the narcissism of minor differences’ – the idea that it is precisely the minor differences between people who are otherwise alike that form the basis of feelings of strangeness and hostility between them. A comparative survey shows that minor differences underlie a wide range of conflicts: from relatively benign forms of campanilismo to bloody civil wars. Freud’s tentative statements link up with the insights of Simmel, Durkheim, Lévi-Strauss, Dumont, Elias, and Girard. Especially helpful is what Bourdieu writes in Distinction: social identity lies in difference, and difference is asserted against what is closest, which represents the greatest threat. An outline of a general theory of power and violence should include consideration of the narcissism of minor differences, also because its counterpart – hierarchy and great differences – makes for relative stability and peace.

The last sentence raises eyebrows – that polities groups containing “great differences” are more stable and peaceful – absolutely ludicrous given the conflicts of human history when disparate groups are brought into contact. Conflict between similar groups is partly due to NMD (something that needs to be carefully examined) but also because similar groups have historically been geographically proximate and hence in regular contact, and more likely to complete for shared resources and common ecological niches.  It does not follow that because of this, groups greatly different would be more stable – if brought into proximity they would compete for living space and their highly divergent natures would trigger mechanisms to reject the “other.” Indeed, one can argue that the presence of highly divergent others would actually diminish NMD among the similar groups, as the differences harped upon in the absence of a more contrasting highly divergent group would fade into insignificance compared to that divergent group (e.g., different types of White Americans experiencing heightened assimilation when contrasted to, e.g., the Negro).  Hierarchy, yes, I can understand the stabilizing influence of that, but not of “great differences.” 

Some examples of NMD are ludicrous, such as the “anti-Black racism” of “poor Whites” in the South.  A Neo-Marxist interpretation dismisses the wide racial gulf as a “small difference” and instead focuses on “economic similarity.” Hence, the “racism” is due to poor Whites exaggerating “slight” racial differences in order to distinguish themselves from former slaves who were on a similar economic level.  A more realistic interpretation is that poor Whites were forced to interact with Blacks and thus were exposed to the horror of Negroes and Negro behavior, which wealthier Whites were able to evade.  Many other examples (and this point will be amplified below) are simply a matter of circumstance – groups that happen to be in proximity, with local resources (including and especially territory) to squabble over, will come into conflict and focus on differences to maintain identity and to focus hatred and contempt on the enemy.  Over time, this can be ingrained into a group’s “historical DNA” and become part of their own identity (think Serbs vs. Croats or the English/Irish and Northern Ireland scenarios).  This in no way implies that even wider gulfs of race and culture wouldn’t trigger even more bitter hatred, as we have seen throughout history (look at the history of race relations in America, which, despite the Neo-Marxist interpretations ridiculed above, focus on the widest possible differences between human groups).

Another ludicrous example typically given of NMD is of “Jews persecuted by German Nazis.” Only a historical idiot can ignore the wide gulf between German and Jew (see Freud’s comment on Aryans/Semites below) – alleged “assimilation” notwithstanding – indeed, Yockey makes clear that Jews are derived from a completely different (and non-Western) High Culture and are thus a completely different people than their hosts, whatever “similarity” and “assimilation” is thought to have existed.

A more reasonable essay on the topic of NMD is here.  Excerpts (emphasis added) with comments:

Blok, in a sense, is more Freudian than Freud himself. He believes that when Freud wrote that ‘We are no longer astonished that greater differences should lead to almost insuperable repugnance’, the great Austrian doctor came very close to undermining his own theory. This sentence, Blok thinks, shows that Freud failed to recognize the importance of his own discovery and reduced its heuristic value (Blok 1998: 35). Blok even suggests that Freud may have misunderstood the quintessence of his own discovery, and he volunteers to rectify this by revealing its true purport. As it turns out, however, many of the examples Blok cites clearly show that other factors than NMD, such as status anxiety, economic interests, and competition for material resources play a greater role in conflicts than he himself is willing to admit…also cited by Blok, is anti-Black racism in the American South after the abolition. The most severe persecution, Blok points out, came ‘from poor and lower middle class whites… (who) feared being put on par with the former slaves.’ (ibid.) Again we see that status anxiety and fear of economic competition are the decisive factors rather than cultural distance per se. In any case, the phenotypical differences between poor Whites and poor Blacks in the United States are so evident that it is highly questionable whether this distinction may be regarded as ‘minor’.

The last sentence is key here and also discussed by me above.  Blok is an outrageous idiot if he thinks White-Black relations in the South are an example of NMD. One suspects that Europeans will become less naïve about racial differences as their nations in the 21st century become increasingly multiracial hellholes.

In Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1921) Freud developed this concept somewhat further and applied it to attitudes between nations and between regional groups within nations. ‘Closely related races keep one another at arm’s length; the South German can not endure the North German, the Englishman casts every kind of aspersion on the Scot, the Spaniard despises the Portuguese.’ However, in this book Freud did not claim that minor differences are more prone to lead to animosity and conflict than big ones. On the contrary, he immediately went on to suggest that greater differences may cause even greater hostility among groups: ‘We are no longer astonished that greater differences should lead to almost insuperable repugnance, such as the Gallic people feel for the German, the Aryan for the Semite, and the white races for the colored.’ (Freud 1921: 101).

Note that Freud acknowledges the alien nature of the Jew (the “Semite” in the above argument), does not consider European-Jewish (“Aryan-Semite”) relations to be NMD but something greater, and also realizes that perceptions of group differences run along a continuum, with greater distance potentially leading to greater conflict.  Note he reflects the racial “thought” of that age, in which different European national groups are akin to races (Gallic/French-German), but, overall, Freud is remarkably reasonable here.

Anton Blok is probably wrong when he surmises that Freud failed to develop NMD into an elaborate theory because he did not realize its full potential. A much more likely explanation for the undeveloped state of this idea in Freud’s writings is that he recognized its strictly limited usefulness.

Freud wiser than Blok.  How about that?

The NMD-idea may be challenged on both philosophical, logical, and empirical grounds. Firstly, the very concept of ‘minor differences’ presupposes that a clearly defined hierarchy of differences made be agreed upon, with big ones on top, medium-sized differences in the middle, and small ones at the bottom. Clearly, this is not possible…even if we for the sake of the argument accept that such an hierarchy can be identified, we run into almost insurmountable difficulties if we should try to use it empirically. We would soon discover that whichever differences we decide are ‘most major’ or ‘most minor’, some massive violent conflicts exhibit many of them while the same differences are more or less absent in other equally serious conflicts…Even if Huntington is wrong when he identifies fault lines between civilizations are particularly conflict-prone, we must nevertheless conclude that some serious conflicts do indeed unfold along those lines.

I personally don’t see Huntington as wrong.  Up until the modern era, conflicts between civilizations were much less frequent than those internal to each civilization, for the reasons discussed above: relative proximity of the within groups and the consequent fighting over local resources.  But think of the centuries old conflict between the West and Islam, continuing to this day, and you can see Huntington is correct.  At least this author is able to admit that civilization-wide conflicts do occur.

Finally, when carried to its logical end point, the strong version of NMD that Ignatieff toys with and rejects but Blok seems to endorse, leads straight into sheer mysticism. If it were true that ‘the smaller the real differences between two groups, the larger such differences are likely to loom in their imagination’, then differences that are so small that no-one is able to detect them, would be the ones most likely to produce conflict. This theory would be a social science version of homeopathy, the quasi-medical theory according to which the power of a chemical ingredient increases the more it is diluted in pure water. While many people believe this to be the case, chemically and medically this is simply impossible.

This is logical, but there are some precincts of the “movement” which apparently hold to the “homeopathy” model of group conflict.  And in general, there have been strands of pop-culture American history overlapping flawed and maladaptive NMD models. As a minor but amusing example of this, I can think of a famous American athlete and KKK member (who shall remain nameless), in the sport of baseball, who expressed a life-long distaste for White ethnic Catholics, but who joyfully groveled to the Negro and actively assisted the “integration” of America’s “National Pastime” with the Black male.  Surely, anyone (White) has the right to dislike White ethnics if they so wish, but being at the same time a pro-Negro cuck isn’t exactly an example of rational adaptiveness. This inversion of interests is ultimately maladaptive.

This means that some conflicts are structured as clashes between two competing identity claims, one of which insists that certain cultural differences in a certain population are minor, while the other maintains that they are major. In order to understand why some such conflicts turn violent while others do not we must not look for any objectively given differences but for differences in perceptions and how perceptions are publicly represented. This means that we much turn our attention to public rhetoric and discourse.

Well that’s fine as far as it goes, but the major point I think about NMD is that it manifests itself most strongly in the absence of more glaring contrasts of group distinctiveness. Contra Blok, I don’t believe – and history certainly does not support – peacefulness when highly disparate groups are brought into proximity.  Rather, in circumstances when and where highly disparate groups are separated and do not come into significant contact, then more similar groups will focus on those small differences that exist between them to help maintain their unique identities.  So, “difference” is relative – when the only differences are those between similar groups, then those “small differences” fill the niche space of popular conceptions of identity and difference and hence attain great significance and possibly become the focus of inter-group conflict.  When more disparate groups come into the picture, the “small differences” between similar groups will more likely fade into (relative) insignificance, in comparison. Let’s remember the words of Yockey:

The touching of this racial-frontier case of the Negro however, shows to Europe a very important fact — that race-difference between white men, which means Western men, is vanishingly small in view of their common mission of actualizing a High Culture. In Europe, where hitherto the race difference between, say, Frenchman and Italian has been magnified to great dimensions, there has been no sufficient reminder of the race-differences outside the Western Civilization. Adequate instruction along this line would apparently have to take the form of occupation of all Europe, instead of only part of it, by Negroes from America and Africa, by Mongols and Turkestani from the Russian Empire.

That is exactly my point.  And the disparate groups do not necessarily need to be in the same territory in today’s globalist age of a Clash of Civilizations. Competing power blocs of Race-Culture ensure that differences between widely disparate groups will continue to be the major focus of rational attention moving forward.

That said, and despite the existential crisis facing the White Race, there are many who reject Yockey’s (and my) argument, and continue to focus on NMD-style intra-European division. However, to be honest, they do have a point in one sense.  Let us take for as an example an English nationalist concerned about the “Polish immigrant threat.”  This nationalist may believe that since Poles are White Europeans, then “British Poles” – unlike the more different and alien Blacks and Asians – would be accepted in any future White Britain, negatively affecting English ethnic interests and diluting English uniqueness.  Or, even in today’s multiracial Britain, the concern would be that the relative similarity of Poles would make their assimilation into the native British population far more likely than that of non-Whites, thus being a larger threat to English ethnic purity. In this view, more similar groups can be a greater threat to a given ingroup simply because such more similar groups are more likely to be accepted by the ingroup in question. Therefore, so the idea goes, to safeguard the uniqueness of any given ingroup, one must be especially on guard against those outgroups similar enough so as to threaten that uniqueness by being accepted into that ingroup.  The problem here is that the on-the-ground reality of what’s actually happening in the West is that it is truly the more distant groups that constitute the existential problem. Yes, Poles in Britain is a concern, but in a nationalist Europe, Britons and Poles, who ultimately can understand each other being derived from the same broad Race-Culture, can work this problem out – it is not an existential problem that threatens the very existence of the British peoples.  The Third World invasion of Britain is such an existential problem; if Britain is doomed it will be doomed because of the Afro-Asiatics, not because of Poles.  Just because some aspects of NMD are understandable does not mean they are necessarily correct.  What then to do?

On the one hand, we must acknowledge these as legitimate concerns, and these concerns are a reason why pan-Europeanism must never be confused with panmixia.  Reasonable concern with preserving group identity and uniqueness needs to be acknowledged and dealt with. Poles eventually would need to leave the UK.  On the other hand, these concerns, however legitimate, must not be used as an excuse to promote intra-White division that impairs the sort of pan-European cooperation we need for racial survival. On the broader arena of the Clash of Civilizations, Britons and Poles are on the same side. Thus, a balance must be struck in which legitimate narrower concerns are not blithely dismissed as NMD but are taken seriously and acted upon but, once taken into account, these concerns cannot descend into permanent intra-European grudges and grievances.

In summary, NMD is real, but is much less a factor than what Blok purports it to be.  Freud’s general conception of a continuum of difference leading to varied levels of conflict is reasonable, and compatible with both the existence of NMD and also the reality of Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations. From our White nationalist perspective, NMD can be a problem, but only if we neglect to consider legitimate concerns about narrower interests. However, while we need to take steps to defuse real problems that could lead to NMD, we shouldn’t tolerate irrational NMD simply out of a general principle that any and all differences must be accepted as equally legitimate foci of interest. That runs the risk of descent into “ethnoracial homeopathy” or into an inverted sense of interests in which genetically and culturally more distant groups are embraced while similar groups are rejected and opposed (even after steps are taken to ensure continuity of all groups).

Ethnonationalism is Atomized Individualism at the Racial-Civilizational Level

Some thoughts.

Listening to this podcast (transcript here) I find that I agree with 95% of what Greg Johnson said.  As per the other 5%, some points are as follows.

There’s a widespread misconception that White Nationalism means just the idea that if you’re white, you belong in the same state. And I think that that’s a ridiculous idea, a parody actually, of what most White Nationalists believe.

That’s a parody of the pan-European perspective, but very few people actually promote this view.  It’s as much as a strawman argument as saying that ethnonationalists all want to restart WWII.

The great conflicts of the twentieth century were largely between different white nations. And, largely, those conflicts came about because these groups were not respecting the autonomy of other white groups

And who wasn’t respecting that autonomy?  Extreme ethnonationalists, each looking out for their perception of what was best for their nation, at the expense of the race as a whole. That explanation is nothing new, Stoddard in The Rising Tide of Color said as much about WWI, as he was correct about that.

There’s also of course the Chinese question and South Asia, Africa, and so forth. These are distinct groups of people, distinct geopolitical blocs, and it would be nice if we can have white nations coordinating their plans regarding them in order to survive, rather than what we have today, which is our leadership basically conspiring to replace our population with non-whites from around the world.

There are some positive points in that paragraph.  Yes, the Chinese and South Asians should indeed be grouped with Africans as distinct geopolitical blocs that pose a question for Whites – a question of our very survival.  And, yes, coordination among Whites is good, but “coordination” per se does not go far enough when faced with this Clash of Civilizations.

How to balance coordination with sovereignty?  If a sovereign Ireland decides they want to import one million Negroes for cheap labor, would they have that right?  If England wanted to make an alliance with China against Germany, should we respect English sovereignty?  If so, racial coordination is impossible and White nationalism is a joke.  If not, then there are clear limits to sovereignty, and coordination leads to a certain amount of integration – an integration that still respects national boundaries and ethnocultural preservation.

…is that they’re trying to swindle the native European peoples of all the European lands and also European colonial peoples like Americans, Canadians, and others of having a future, of having homelands where they can be confident that they will control the government, control their destiny, and have a country that they feel is like home…

Yes, and the Silk Road Asian imperialists are chief among these swindlers.

Our individualism, our kind of “devil take the hindmost” attitude, and our unwillingness to confront the fact that this game is rigged against us—and that the long-term trends are quite dire, and that we simply will cease to exist as distinct nations and as a biological race in a couple hundred years if we don’t stop this—so we’re individualistic, we’re guilty, we try and make our own peace with the system, we’re afraid of joining together and actually trying to change it….

Isn’t ethnonationalism analogous to the type of atomized individualism that is decried by WNs?  In other words, as atomized individualism is to ethnic and racial nationalism, so is (narrow) ethnonationalism to pan-Europeanism. Ethnonationalism is atomized individualism at the racial-civilizational level.  At the national level, we observe selfish atomized individuals who ignore the collective good of the national ethny; at the racial-civilizational level we observe selfish atomized national ethnies and ethnonationalists who ignore the collective good of the overall Race-Culture.

One point brought up in the podcast is that Whites tend to project their own mentality to other peoples.  

And underlying that, though, is the same grandiose notion that really we’re the only people who matter, for good or evil, in the world, and other people are somewhat negligible as agents, and that assumption is very deep and a sort of bedrock assumption in a lot of Leftists.

And really, I stopped the projection and decided I need to try and understand the world as these people see it, and I came at a certain point to realize that a lot of peoples, in fact the majority of peoples on Earth, do not have a sort of transparent and trusting relationship to other groups. In fact, they have suspicious, hostile, and manipulative relationships to other groups, and that what’s going on in white countries is we’re inviting in people on the assumption that they’re going to be just like us; that we’re going to be generous to them and open to them, and they’re going to be open and generous to us.

Quite right, but WNs don’t realize that they do the same thing.  Many WNs believe in “universal nationalism” applicable to all peoples, and they assume that nationalists of other races believe the same, and would allow Europeans to exist in their own homogeneous ethnostates.

This is not the case.  Jewish nationalists are often Jewish supremacists. Asian nationalists are often Asian imperialists, who believe they have a God-given right to colonize White lands. There are also people involved in the “movement” who grovel to Jewish supremacism and Asian imperialism; if “White racialists” are willing to do so, imagine how supine “normies” would be to aggressive Jews/Asians.  These non-European peoples will always be a threat to our race, for as long as we and they both exist, and we’ll need an integrated defense against them for our survival, in addition to the known threats from the general “Global South.”  This goes beyond mere “coordination.”

And in fact their attitude is that we are incredibly weak and naive, and they will dissimulate belief in our ideas when they want something from us, but when we want something from them, they’ll say, “Oh yes, yes,” but what they’ll end up doing is practice very ruthless ethnic nepotism.

That describes Asians in a nutshell – both the Silk Roaders and well as “cognitive elitists” who preach atomized individualism for Whites while practicing “very ruthless ethnic nepotism” for themselves.

Silk Road News History: Blood is Thicker than Water

European solidarity against the Asian threat.

At Amren of all places (emphasis added):

The British and French quickly learned their intelligence was faulty; the Chinese were much better prepared and positioned than expected.

The forts opened a murderous fire so accurate and deadly that French and English officers were convinced Europeans must be manning the guns. The H.M.S. Plover, Admiral Hope’s command gunboat, was so badly shot up that almost the entire crew was killed or wounded, and the admiral was seriously injured.

Commodore Tattnall observed all this. He was aware, of course, that his orders limited him to observation. However, according to one account, he was so sickened by the slaughter of his fellow Europeans that he exclaimed, “I’ll be damned if I’ll stand by and watch white men be murdered.” He bent American neutrality to the breaking point by sending his steam launch alongside the embattled Plover and offering to carry off the wounded. The offer was quickly and gratefully received, and Tattnall left a contingent of his men on board the Plover as he began ferrying casualties away from the scene.

When he returned to the Plover, he found that some of the Americans he had left behind were black with gunpowder. Tattnall took the scene in and asked, “What have you rascals been up to?” One replied, “Well, sir, after you left there was nothing much for us to do so we thought we would man the guns for a little bit.”

Apparently drawing inspiration from the rage that their commodore had expressed at seeing racial comrades severely used by the Chinese, the sailors expected–rightfully as it turned out–that Tattnall would not object to their taking over from the mauled British crew and firing on the Chinese… 

…Nevertheless, watching British and French sailors and marines being cut down by the Chinese stirred him to forget old animosities and disregard his orders. Asked to explain himself, Tattnall famously stated “Blood is thicker than water.” The comment reflected the 19th century sense of racial solidarity, and electrified Europeans on both sides of the Atlantic.

White American Tattnall made common cause with British and French sailors against the Chinese inscrutables – something we need to actualize today as well.

All hail Tattnall!  And to those who say “that was a long time ago,” how about those who bring up 19th century British “geostrategizing” as somehow relevant today?  If that’s relevant (*) then Tattnall’s actions are also relevant.

*Of course, the old British “geostrategy” included the maintenance of their Empire.  So, hey, if the British want to recolonize India and Hong Kong, more power to them.  Show the dusky hordes how a country is really run.

I also note how the Silk Roaders claim that “there is no such thing as European solidarity” while at the same time considering Asians, and subsets of Asians (e.g., East Asians), as a cohesive whole.  So, the Silkers want the atomized British, alone and separate from Europe, to engage in a special relationship with Asians.  The Silk Road mantra: racial solidarity for me but not for thee.  How about turning it around – Europe as a whole making an alliance with India alone or with Japan alone against the rest of Asia, or at least against China?  Why not?  Cue the long rambling potty-mouthed Silker posts sprinkled with “F-bombs” and personal insults.

Revisiting Pan-European Preservationism

Some new thoughts on some of my old ideas.

Given the recent ethnonationalist broadsides at Counter-Currents, it is time to revisit and reanalyze my essay on pan-European preservationism, which is of relevance to the issues brought up in the aforementioned Counter-Currents piece.  I’ll examine parts of this essay, sometimes putting sentences from different sections together so as to address particular issues in their entirety.  Of course, the original essay is at the link.

As a long-time “pan-Europeanist,” I have read a number of critiques of pan-Europeanism focused on that ideology’s alleged opposition to the preservation of differences that exist between various European peoples. Further, it is said that pan-Europeanism believes that all whites are identical and interchangeable; therefore, the pan-European worldview has been viewed as fundamentally incompatible with intra-European ethnoracial activism. These critics do not distinguish between a pan-Europeanism that does value, and wishes to preserve, intra-European differences and a more panmictic version of pan-Europeanism that does not… One meme asserts that pan-Europeanism means that all whites are “fungible/interchangeable.” I do not believe that most responsible pan-Europeanists hold that view. I certainly do not. I believe in a mixture of racial conservationism—making certain that extant ethnoracial stocks are preserved in significant numbers in specific territorial states—and racial palingenesis—which supports eugenics as well as the acceptance of new, stabilized Euro-breeds that may occur in the European Diaspora and that can constitute new ethnies and expand the range of European-specific genetic and phenotypic biological diversity.

When the two ideas are in conflict, racial conservatism trumps racial palingenesis, since the original stocks, once lost, can never be recovered. Hybridization, if it occurs in Diaspora regions, should be carefully monitored so as to create productive new stabilized strains while, at the same time, not resulting in the elimination of parental stocks. This pan-Europeanism, which values and wishes to preserve intra-European differences, can be contrasted to other viewpoints.

One can occasionally encounter a more panmictic vision of pan-Europeanism. For example, in his otherwise useful and interesting preface to Norman Lowell’s important book Imperium Europa, Constantin von Hoffmeister writes:

The mixing of different European nationalities should therefore be encouraged. We must support sexual unions between Russian women and German men, Spanish men and Swedish women. Only by radically breaking down the artificial barriers dividing Europe can we create the new breed of man… 

Von Hoffmeister’s overall pan-European vision is positive, I agree with much of it, and he should be commended for his support of Norman Lowell, who is a real fighter for our race and our civilization. However, I do not agree with the specific viewpoint quoted here, which does not represent the totality of pan-Europeanist thought. I believe that we should not be in the business of encouraging mating between Russians, Germans, Swedes, Spaniards, or any other groups within Europe. One could imagine Russian, German, Swedish, and Spanish nationalists—people who may otherwise agree to the basic premises of pan-Europeanism—objecting quite strongly to the idea of a general panmixia involving their respective peoples.

We already have here in America an experiment in intra-European cross-breeding, which may produce productive and useful stabilized blends—all at relatively minimal costs to ethnic genetic interests due to the relative genetic closeness of Europeans. However, responsible stewardship of our ethnoracial-genetic patrimony requires that we at least maintain the original ethnic stocks in their European homelands. If these stocks are completely hybridized out of existence, the loss would be permanent and irreversible. I do not believe that the genetic diversity that currently characterizes the extant European ethnies should be lost; while additional stocks and additional diversity may be created in the Diaspora through cross-ethnic mating and breed stabilization, the original genetic strains of Europe need to be preserved.

Indeed, it is wrong to completely erase any legitimate differences between peoples, including groups that are relatively highly related: Norwegians and Swedes are not interchangeable, Englishmen and Danes are not interchangeable, Germans and the Dutch are not interchangeable, Italians and Greeks are not interchangeable, Spaniards and Portuguese are not interchangeable, and Russians and Poles are not interchangeable. And while the differences between the major subraces are certainly greater than that between groups within each subrace, one cannot draw a line within Europe and say that one group of differences are completely inconsequential, and another group of differences are absolutely essential. At the intra-continental level, it is a difference of degree. This can be contrasted to the wider gulf that exists between continental groups, differences that are magnified, in a synergistic fashion, by the overlay of the great civilizational divides.

Given recent controversies about Hoffmeister, that is all relevant.  I essentially still agree with what I wrote there, but I do want to defend Hoffmeister against attacks coming from self-interested Asiatics and their White extended phenotypes.  Yes, I have some areas of disagreement with Hoffmeister, but broadly speaking, we are on the same page – pan-European Futurists.  So, from my perspective, sometimes he may go too far, use overly bombastic language, and make some poor interpretations of history and where we should be going, but he is still “one of us.”  That can be contrasted to Asian imperialists who covet the Russian Far East and who want to colonize the West and who think that screaming about “the Jews” will give them the cover to achieve their objectives.  As if being subjugated by Asians is going to be better than being subjugated by Jews.  How about we be subjugated by no one and follow our own destiny, thank you very much.

Now, do I still hold out hope of cooperation between different types of racial nationalists, as suggested as follows?

I would argue that—at least theoretically—a person can be, at the same time, both pan-Europeanist and Nordicist, or pan-Europeanism and pan-Slavist, pan-Germanist, ethnic nationalist, etc., so long as the all the latter “ists” in question are of a “defensive” nature, and that the pan-Europeanism respects and values narrower particularisms. Of course, even if this is true, it is natural to expect that certain levels of ethnic interests[1] would be more important to an activist than others (e.g., a Russian may be a Russian nationalist first, a pan-Slavist second, and a pan-Europeanist third)… An optimal outcome would be if pan-Europeanists, Nordicists, pan-Slavists, pan-Germanists, ethnic nationalists, and all the other “ists” and “isms” within the white activist framework can work together in a productive fashion to achieve common objectives, even if fundamental points of important disagreement remain. If the majority of such people share a common goal of European, Western survival—albeit with different emphases, strategies, and tactics—then this could be a starting point to consider the possibilities. Given the immensity of the task before us, it would be helpful to at least be “in the same book,” if not “on the same page.”… Indeed, if we reach the point in which Basque separatists can work with Spanish nationalists, Irish Republican nationalists with Ulster Protestant Unionists, Padanian separatists with Ausonian nationalists, Flemish separatists with Wallonian nationalists, Hungarian nationalists with their Romanian counterparts, pan-Slavists with pan-Germanists, and American pan-Europeanists with American Nordicists—all in the cause of white, Western survival—this will be a development which will give the enemies of white, Western survival cause for grave concern…This essay is an open call for a paradigm shift in the relations of the varied types of (Western) ethnoracial nationalism to each other, a shift in the direction of increased cooperation. For approximately the last ten years there has been (sometimes acrimonious and mostly online) debate between proponents of these various “ists” and “isms” with no furthering of those objectives we all hold in common. Careful consideration of the possibilities for cooperation in areas of overlap should occur, and hopefully, these possibilities will become manifest in real-world collegial, productive endeavors. We can and should be able to move forward together to achieve our common objectives. The status quo has not been productive.

The answer is no.

While such cooperation is still desirable, I have long since given up any hope that it is plausible, at least in the current activist climate.  My original essay can be reasonably seen as a conciliatory overture to those other “isms” of racial nationalism; unfortunately, unless I missed something, this conciliatory attitude has never been reciprocated.  Hence, my pessimism as to whether such cooperation is truly possible.  Ethnonationalists have an almost hysterical aversion to the idea of any sort of integration or serious cooperation between European nations.  This may be at one level a somewhat understandable, albeit pathologically inflamed, reaction to the excesses of the EU.  However, I also suspect it has origins in feelings of disdain for other Europeans, an exaggerated sense of worth inherent in identifying with a particular ethnic group, an inability to get over historical grudges from long ago that are no longer relevant in today’s world (and folks call me “bitter”), or some other sort of baggage.  Nordicists definitely have racial contempt and disdain for non-Nordic Europeans, so there’s not much probability of cooperation and compromise from that direction.  Both ethnonationalists and Nordicists are firmly in the “narcissism of small differences” camp.  Pan-Germanists are similar; if you’re not Germanic, obviously you are no damn good.  Pan-Slavists also hold grievances about past history (cooperation among Europeans will cause those German tanks to start rolling in again, no doubt), and my experiences in dealing with some Eastern Europeans suggests they have some sort of inferiority complex toward Western Europe.  I cannot forget the hysterical enthusiasm of some Eastern Europeans “normies” for membership in the EU, despite my earnest and repeated warnings to them about it.  The general attitude was “now we’ll be taken seriously, now we’ll be considered as European by the West.”  Why should the more healthy Eastern Europeans care what the more degenerate Western Europeans think about them?  In some Eastern European people – the “normies” – this sense of anxiety manifests itself in a desire to “become Western European,” but for the more nationalist-minded, the opposite occurs, and a hardening of anti-Western European feeling occurs, resulting in extreme pan-Slavist attitudes.  HBD/race realists are not racial or ethnic nationalists at all, but Judeophiles and Yellow Supremacists, so nothing can be expected from that quarter.  And the new sickness of Silk Road White nationalism is simply whitewashed Asian supremacism and Asian imperialism, so hostility to pan-Europeanism from them is to be expected.

I may be accused of a Frankfurt School-like pathologization of ideological opponents…whatever. What I have just written is what I believe to be some of the underlying issues.  If these folks were being rational, then they wouldn’t start screeching about my wanting to insert “one million Russians into Ireland” and other such stupidity.  It I see hysteria, I call it hysteria. Stop acting irrationally if you don’t want to be called irrational.

I am talking here about pan-Europeanism.  It strikes me that one problem in these debates is a lack of agreement on definitions; if we cannot understand what the other side means by their arguments, then we are just talking past each other.  To my mind pan-Europeanism is not “a new Roman Empire” or some sort of impossible panmixia, but rather:

Perhaps pan-Europeanism is best viewed as a flexible meme and not as a rigid set of specific polices; it generally promotes the idea of mutual respect among the varied European peoples, and therefore attempts to search for solutions that will allow for the biological and cultural preservation of all Europeans worldwide. Pan-Europeanism asserts that all persons of European descent should have a “seat at the table” when decisions are made about the fate of the West and its peoples. Pan-Europeanism, properly considered, can be consistent and compatible with concerns about narrower ingroups: Nordicism, pan-Slavism, pan-Germanism, or whatever ethnic or subracial nationalism one wishes to consider. What pan-Europeanism introduces to these other ideologies is an additional concern for the broader European family. What if an individual does not care about the broader family of Europeans, and has an interest solely in his ethnic group or subrace? There is certainly nothing inherently wrong with that; everyone has the right to define the limits of his ingroup as he sees fit, and invest in that defined ingroup as is appropriate.

Yes, that is all true, but given the aversions and hostilities discussed above, in the end it becomes meaningless.  It is certainly possible for someone to be both a dedicated ethnonationalist and pan-European, but, practically speaking, I don’t see many such people around.  The supporters of ethnonationalism (pan-Germanism/Slavism or Nordicism or whatever) seem to define their identity not as a positive in and of itself (which they claim to do but really do not) but rather as something in opposition to an undesirable “other.”  So, rather than saying “I’m a proud Irishman and have as my first priority saving the Irish but I’m also deeply committed to saving all Europeans, and let’s end this Irish-English feud” we instead get paranoid fantasies of “the Russians are coming” and of course the endless grievances against Great Britain.

In summary, pan-Europeanism is an ideology which respects, strives to preserve, and fights for the interests of, all peoples of European descent worldwide—whether these peoples are of single ethnic origin or if they are of “combinative” ethnic European ancestry. There is nothing in this definition which asserts that panmixia must take place and certainly nothing which can be characterized as a lack of interest in preserving various ethnies (keeping in mind, of course, that “ethny” is not always the same as “ethnic group”). To say that pan-Europeanists in general do not see an intrinsic value in individual ethnic groups is simply not true. Thus I argue against the assertion that pan-Europeanism means that all whites are “fungible” and “interchangeable” and that this will lead to a panmixia resulting in a complete loss of biological and cultural particularisms. Instead, pan-Europeanism is better viewed as a cooperative effort, aimed toward the objective of Race-Culture preservation and renewal, an effort that recognizes both the differences and the commonalities of Western peoples.

That’s always been my focus.  But it’s easier to look for outliers who talk about “new Roman Empires” and mixing Swedes with Spaniards, than to deal with more nuanced perspectives. If, for example, the ethnonationalists were truly interested in collegial cooperation, then they’d actually focus more on my vision instead of the “amalgamation-empire” group.  I doubt they want cooperation, after all, as ethnonationalists why cooperate with those “strange folks over there.”

In October 1948—the dangerous year of Stalin’s blockade of Berlin—Mosley spoke to an enthusiastic meeting of East London workers and called for “the making of Europe a Nation.” Yet, as he said in later years, making Europe into a nation with its own common government did not make him feel any less an Englishman, and an Englishman of Staffordshire where he was born. All other Europeans, Normans and Bretons, Bavarians and Prussians, Neapolitans and Milanese, would through his idea remain Frenchmen, Germans, and Italians, as would Britons remain Britons, yet they would all think and act together as Europeans.

In those later years he also proposed a three-tier order of governments in Europe, each with a different function. In fact this was taking the best part of the old fascism, the corporate state, and the best of the old democracy, creating something higher and finer than either, through yet another synthesis. The corporate state had envisaged the nation like a human body, having a head, with a brain, with all members of the body working together in political harmony. Thus in Mosley’s vision of the future nation of Europe the first tier, the head, would be a common government—freely elected by all Europeans—for Europe’s defense and to organize a single continental economy. The second tier would be national governments for all national questions—elected as today—and at the third level many local governments for the regions and small nations like Wales and Scotland. They would have the special task of preserving the wide diversity of Europe’s cultural life: regional democracy with a new meaning.

While I may quibble in detail with Mosely’s plan, the fundamentals are sound.

Charles Lindbergh, in a famous pre-war essay on aviation and race stated:

We, the heirs of European culture, are on the verge of a disastrous war, a war within our own family of nations, a war which will reduce the strength and destroy the treasures of the White race, a war which may even lead to the end of our civilization. And while we stand poised for battle, Oriental guns are turning westward, Asia presses towards us on the Russian border, all foreign races stir restlessly. It is time to turn from our quarrels and to build our White ramparts again. This alliance with foreign races means nothing but death to us. It is our turn to guard our heritage from Mongol and Persian and Moor, before we become engulfed in a limitless foreign sea. Our civilization depends on a united strength among ourselves; on strength too great for foreign armies to challenge; on a Western Wall of race and arms which can hold back either a Genghis Khan or the infiltration of inferior blood; on an English fleet, a German air force, a French army, an American nation, standing together as guardians of our common heritage, sharing strength, dividing influence.

Note Lindbergh warning us against Asia, Lindbergh warning that Europeans need to stand together against Asians.  One could only imagine how repulsed Lindbergh would have been by the madness of Silk Road White Nationalism, in which Asians are allowed to colonize White lands, and cringing Europeans are bossed around by Chinese girls with guns (although perhaps Charlie would laugh at the impertinent stupidity of it all).  In any case, Lindbergh wanted a united “Western Wall of race and arms” – so much more is that needed today.

Keep in mind that if all Whites worldwide are counted, the total number would be hundreds of millions less than what one can find in single – single! – Asian nations such as China and India.  There are entire European nations with populations smaller than what can be found in single – single! – Asian cities.  And these Asiatics are not the pushovers of the past; China and India (and Pakistan and North Korea) are nuclear powers; these are hate-filled populations burning with hostility toward Whites and dedicated to the denial and destruction of the West. They really could care less about European concerns and we first have to safeguard our existence and then we’ll be able to safely safeguard our uniqueness, including at the smallest levels of nation and region.

Also of relevance are Greg Johnson’s comments at the Counter-Currents website:

If you go back far enough in history, you find times, such as the high Middle Ages, when there was a sense of the unity of the European race. Petty state nationalism is a far more modern phenomenon…During the high Middle Ages, there was a sense of European Unity as “Christendom” that was not explicitly racial but was implicitly so. The first Crusade in particular was an expression of this sense of unity. Of course even then Christianity was not coextensive with the European race, for there were Nestorian and Arab and African Christians, but the average European did not know that.

If you go back even farther, you find the essential genetic unity of all European peoples. The concept of “whiteness” today can be seen as an attempt to recapture that essential unity… In North America, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa, the mixing of recently differentiated European stocks is bringing us back to that original unity.

Whiteness also is natural as a unifying concept in the face of non-whites, particularly in the colonies…In the end, though, the political validity of the concept of whiteness has nothing to do with its temporal pedigree, but with the fact that all whites are perceived by our enemies as essentially the same, thus we are treated as the same. Our skin is our uniform in the global struggle for domination.

For some reason Greg seems to have moved away from this position and now is in more favor of the “petty state nationalism” he at one time criticized. Of course, everyone has the right to change their mind; however, my views are more in tune with the quote above than in more recent support for ethhnonationalism.

One thread which is often prominent in modern pan-European thought is the work of its foremost post-war proponent: Francis Parker Yockey. It is therefore important to take a brief look at some of Yockey’s relevant statements on this issue.

In The Proclamation of London Yockey wrote…considering the issue of preserving intra-European differences:

Local cultures in Europe may be as diversified as they wish, and they will enjoy a perfect autonomy in the European Imperium…

That seems to me very clear.  Unless you believe Yockey was being dishonest, then that statement suggests that one of history’s leading pan-Europeanists was perfectly comfortable with local autonomy. 

As another example of what can be done to balance broader and narrow concerns:

As a general model for balancing broader and narrower particularisms, one could envision—along the lines of Norman Lowell’s Imperium/Dominion split—an overarching pan-European, Western Confederation resting on the framework of internally autonomous states that safeguard their narrower biological and cultural uniqueness. Regardless of these details, the fundamental point remains that all parties to preservationist solutions need to have their voices heard; in particular, all groups that make up the Western family of peoples need to join in this endeavor and participate in the process.

Salter’s views are also relevant. A pan-Europeanism that respects and preserves genetic and cultural differences, while also respecting genetic and cultural similarities, is wholly consistent with ethnic genetic interests. For example, in On Genetic Interests, Frank Salter cites the Civilizations of Huntington as possible core units of ethnic genetic interests for defense against other genetic/civilizational entities. Note that Salter speculated that Huntington’s “Orthodox” eastern European bloc may be considered a subsection of the West…Of course, the fundamental threat to the interests of all Euro-Americans originates from both elite non-Western groups (e.g., those of Asiatic origin) coupled with a mass of alien lower types (e.g., those of African and Latin American ancestries). In Europe itself, the threat also includes mass migration across racial and civilizational divides from north Africa/Middle East as well as from groups similarly invading the USA (e.g., there is a growing “Latino” population in Spain, and of course sub-Saharan Africans are present as well). Certainly, the narrower particularist viewpoint can be expressed in ethnic genetic interest terms, and that it is valid as far as it goes. But it misses the larger point: the threat is not superficial or temporary but fundamental and encompasses the totality of Western civilization and all of the European peoples. The worldwide racial crisis exists and the fundamental issue remains: European-descended populations are threatened with replacement by Third World peoples.

Again, Asians are part of the problem, not part of the solution.

In any case, it should be clear I support local autonomy and the sovereignty of the nation state for local issues.  But there are issues that transcend the nation state.  Despite my differences with him on other matters, it seems, remarkably enough, that Durocher and I agree on this.

In Imperium Yockey wrote, at different places throughout the book:

If any Westerner thinks that the barbarian makes nice distinctions between the former nations of the West, he is incapable of understanding the feelings of populations outside a High Culture toward that Culture…

…But the greatest opposition of all has not yet been named, the conflict which will take up all the others into itself. This is the battle of the Idea of the Unity of the West against the nationalism of the 19th century. Here stand opposed the ideas of Empire and petty-stateism, large-space thinking and political provincialism. Here find themselves opposed the miserable collection of yesterday-patriots and the custodians of the Future. The yesterday-nationalists are nothing but the puppets of the extra-European forces who conquer Europe by dividing it. To the enemies of Europe, there must be no rapprochement, no understanding, no union of the old units of Europe into a new unit, capable of carrying on 20th century politics…

…Against a united Europe, they could never have made their way in, and only against a divided Europe can they maintain themselves. Split! divide! distinguish!—this is the technique of conquest. Resurrect old ideas, old slogans, now quite dead, in the battle to turn European against European…

…The touching of this racial-frontier case of the Negro, however, shows to Europe a very important fact—that race-difference between white men, which means Western men, is vanishingly small in view of their common mission of actualizing a High Culture. In Europe, where hitherto the race difference between, say, Frenchman and Italian has been magnified to great dimensions, there has been no sufficient reminder of the race-differences outside the Western Civilization. Adequate instruction along this line would apparently have to take the form of occupation of all Europe, instead of only part of it, by Negroes from America and Africa, by Mongols and Turkestani from the Russian Empire…

I agree wholeheartedly with Yockey here. The last part suggests a hypothesis.  Just as differences in innate personality and life experiences can determine why one person is Right and another Left, perhaps the same influences affect the choice between being a pan-Europeanist or one of the narrower “isms.”  With respect to life experiences, is it possible that (negative) experiences with cross-racial diversity would make someone more prone to support pan-Europeanism?  If your life experience is one of Whites broadly defined up against non-Whites that would tend to suggest a pan-European perspective.  If on the other hand, your life experience is with a more homogenous population, particularly one that is ethnically/subracially homogenous, that would focus attention on narrower concerns.  Even more to the point, imagine someone whose only experience with “minorities” was with members of some European group *(or groups) that is numerically smaller than the person’s own in-the-majority European ethnic group.  Then “us” vs. “them” is here intra-European, and if those cross-ethnic experiences are negative, then the feelings of hostility and disdain are amplified.

For most of European history, the biggest enemy was another European people.  “Most” is not “all” – there were of course times when the enemy were rampaging Afro-Asiatic hordes and those threats were truly existential. But in general, typically for most of their history, Europeans fought Europeans, laying the groundwork for many of the attitudes and grievances that still plague us today. Consider the history (and island geography) of England and it is not surprising that ethnonationalism is well developed in the English Right (Mosley notwithstanding).  But today we live in a global age of The Clash of Civilizations, and Europeans need to understand that the old ways are over – something Stoddard’s The Rising Tide of Color foretold as far back as the 1920s. The past is prelude, but it’s now time to write the story of the future, and that is the story of The West Against The Rest – West being broadly defined as all Europeans worldwide.

The following quote from Yockey’s The Enemy of Europe summarizes the palingenetic objective that we could, if we so wished, strive for:

Our European Mission is to create the Culture-State-Nation-Imperium of the West, and thereby we shall perform such deeds, accomplish such works, and so transform our world that our distant posterity, when they behold the remains of our buildings and ramparts, will tell their grandchildren that on the soil of Europe once dwelt a tribe of gods.

That this tribe is not homogeneous, and contains within itself smaller tribes with unique and valued characteristics, is a given. But I believe, nevertheless, that this greater Western tribe does exist—and that together we can achieve great things, if we only can take the essential first steps forward. 

Well, all true, and narrow petty nationalism is not going to get us there. Unfortunately, I do not see much progress in the directions I support.

Of relevance to my points is this except from a Bolton Counter-Currents article:

Our Race Relations commissioner, Dame Susan Devoy, whose qualifications for that job consist of her acumen as a squash champion, stated that although she is proud of her Irish heritage, she will be keeping a close watch on the European Students Association. What makes an Irish or a Celtic dance society acceptable, but not a more generalized “European” society that includes Celtic plus other European heritages?

In order to become acceptable the association would presumably have had to form separate but affiliated ethnic groups for each European ethnicity, with say one member forming an Irish branch, another the Slavic branch, one the Italian, branch, another the Swedish branch, then forming an umbrella group but without the name “European.” Presumably “White” or “Aryan” would also be unacceptable so one is left wondering exactly what name would be acceptable. The conclusion must be that none would be acceptable. Anything of a “European” character is going to be innately objectionable.

Isn’t that interesting?  The same holds for the American school and university system.  And what does that tell you?  It tells me that organizing on an ethnic basis – individual atomized European ethnic groups – is NOT considered a threat by the system.  Organizing on a pan-European, racial basis, with an emphasis on a “European” character, is deemed a threat and considered unacceptable.  I think there’s a lesson there if you think about it.

And that’s not only in schools.  In the USA in mid-March we have St. Patrick’s Day marches – all acceptable, all celebrated, with politicians of all types marching joyously.  No problem. Irish, Italian, German, whatever…no problem.  Guess what would happen if someone – even a “normie” – tried to organize a “European-American” march.  Permits denied!  Neo-Nazi! Denounced by every politician!  Anti-fa violence!  Media in an uproar!  

Interesting, isn’t it?  And why should racial nationalists play that atomization game?

Finally, I would like to make an important point here, related to certain alien individuals who take it upon themselves to preach to Europeans about what we should or should not do, and if the reader takes away nothing else from this essay, then do take away this.  It is up to Europeans, and Europeans alone, to decide what their relationships to each other will be. We can support each other, hate each other, oppose each other, ally with each other, come together or come apart, but in the end it is about us, for us, and by us. Ourselves alone. Questions of pan-Europeanism vs. ethnonationalism vs. Nordicism vs. pan-Slavism vs. HBD race realism vs. Hoffmeisterism vs. whatever – those are questions for us to answer. Those questions are not addressed to anyone else – not to Jews, Iranians, Russian-hating Japanese, Chinese “maidens,” mestizos, Negroes or what have you.  If these others have an opinion on those topics, then, fine, express your opinion and move on.  Similarly, if I have an opinion on, say, Chinese-Japanese relations, I will express it, once, and then move on to my own business.  I certainly wouldn’t try to weasel my way into Asian nationalist groupings and attempt to sway their ideology to my liking – and I certainly wouldn’t expect to be welcome there (unlike how pathologically Universalist Whites welcome non-Whites into the business of White nationalism).  And even if these others seem to be sincere, and argue that somehow our racial business is their business, how can we know for sure?  How can we be sure they are not actually arguing in favor of their own racial self-interest at our expense? Some would say that is ad hominem.  So it is.  What of it? I would argue that ad hominem is not always a fallacy, particularly when it shines a light on questions of Cui Bono?  It’s not as if these people are offering fresh perspectives and novel ideas to advance the pro-European position.  Instead, they take sides in ongoing debates, simply parroting pre-existing positions, typically (from what I see) to advance their own racial agenda.  They are not essential and they are not helpful; at best they are a curiosity and at worst they are enemies in the ranks – Kipling’s Stranger in our midst.  It is one thing to have allies – alliances imply cooperation between distinct groups – it is another thing entirely to have these people actually as part of our own groups, blogs, groupuscules, etc.  Non-Whites intimately involved in White racial nationalism is not an alliance, it is an infiltration.  And between alliance and infiltration is a world of difference.  Finally, the interpretation of the fact that these types are almost invariably opposed to pan-Europeanism is an exercise I’ll leave to the reader.  

Stockholm and Morgan: Critical Points

Some comments on the Feb. 25 Stockholm Identitarian meeting as well as Morgan’s Counter-Currents article on the Alt Right.

Some of the speeches were just awkward or silly; no need for me to embarrass those speakers – and infuriate their fanboys – but focusing on those.  I’m also not interesting in hearing about “money and banking.” Although I have some interest in social credit/citizen dividends ideas, I’m afraid if I hear the words “federal reserve” or “fractional banking” I may start weeping.  Ramzpaul’s talk was terribly boring, so I don’t have much to say about it.

How about some more relevant speeches for the state of the Alt Right today?

Hoffmeister’s speech was more or less OK.  Putting aside the “He-Man” stuff – after all, I don’t want to sound like a bitter, neurotic, cranky old fart – the only problems with this talk is the error about Kennewick man, and also the suggestion that Whites had to be in America first in order to have a claim to the territory. For some reason, other racial groups feel no need to justify their own dispossession of earlier aboriginals.  I don’t see the Japanese agonizing over the Ainu, or see standard Negroes regretting displacing Pygmy or Khoisan populations.

Millennial Woes’s speech was interesting, and he admitted the profound “malaise” of the Alt Right since Trump’s election, and cited two legitimate reasons for this.  First, that the Alt Right doesn’t really know what to do next, and seems ill-prepared for the adult, disciplined work to build a real movement to take advantage of Trump’s breaking the “glass ceiling” of American right-wing populism.  Second, the constant attacks against the Alt Right by the System and leftist thugs.  Indeed, this speech legitimizes much of my criticism of the Alt Right – showing their ill-preparedness, both to move forward and to anticipate the obvious response of the Left to Trump’s victory and to the Alt Right’s brief ascent to prominence; their lack of discipline; and their current squandering of the golden opportunity handed to them by the events of 2016.

Kaalep’s (nice haircut there) speech started out well and degenerated into stupidity.  Err…which part of Europe dominated for the past several centuries?  That’s been the north, Kaalep’s “north star” “northern barbarians.” The “over-civilized” Greco-Roman world doesn’t run things now, and not for a long time.  It’s not the “Greco-Romans” who created the 19th century colonialism that is backfiring on Europe through reverse colonialism.  It’s not the Greco-Romans who started the two world wars that wrecked the White world, not the Greco-Romans that created the current EU, and who are running it into the ground.  The lazy and hedonistic PIGS countries – siesta-loving swarthoids with their palms out for handouts – are followers in the EU, not leaders. It’s those “northern barbarian” Germans, led by their Queen Merkel, who are today leading Europe to the abyss.  Instead of having one part of Europe dominating over the other, how about cooperation, with each nation and area maintaining their own identifies?  We don’t need historical revisionism that ignores the last half millennium, or self-serving “my nation will lead us out of the wilderness” navel-gazing.  I support Estonian nationalism, and Kaalep seems to be doing a fine job in his nation.  But it’s ironic that these ethnonationalist types have no qualms about ideas of domination when it’s their folks doing the dominating, eh? 

Now, I don’t want to be too critical here.  Kaalep seems like a sincere fellow, he’s doing good work for his country, he does think about Europe, and he means well.  The problem in general seems to be (shades of the American “movement”) one of too narrow perspectives. Any Euro-swarthoids there? Any Russkis (a giggling “Russian-American” doesn’t count)? They have the likes of Jorjani and Ramzpaul there, but no one from, say, Golden Dawn or Casa Pound was interested?  Are there no Identitarians from Spain or Portugal?  How about a Russian perspective that is independent of Putinism and Duginism?  How about the Ukrainians – what do real nationalists there think about having their sacrifices hijacked by globalists?  Maybe those folks were at the meeting and participated and I somehow missed it; but if so, Der Movement certainly isn’t popularizing such talks. More likely they simply were not there.

Do we always have to hear from the same people spouting the same things over and over again?  If you want a Europe-wide movement, how about having a Europe-wide meeting?

Now we come to Jorjani.  Let’s for a moment forget about the Iranian issue, partially manifested again by the pathetic potshots against the Ancient Greeks (NECs hold grudges, do they not?).  Let’s forget about all the ramblings of the last 2/3 of the talk. Let’s forget that he himself brought up an issue that I previously refused to discuss, his personal situation. Even though he brought it up, it’s not something to dwell on other than to say it is puzzling (for reasons which should be obvious).

Here my major objection is something which constitutes my objection #1 to the Alt Right – their ideological imperialism in the “movement;” the idea that the Alt Right and today’s racial activism are one and the same.  Non-Alt Right activists such as myself object to, and will continue to resist, the Alt Right’s attitude of dominance and entitlement.  I must say that the first 4.5 minutes of Jorjani’s talk constitute some of the most disturbing examples of Alt Right imperialism and premature centralization in Der Movement today. Alt Right corporation…I have a fairly good opinion of Spencer, but the rest of them?  The term “confederacy of dunces” comes to mind.  Who the hell are these people, and this pushy NEC, to be dictating to us all that from now on the Indentitarian Right, broadly defined, “is the Alt Right?”  I give an extended middle finger to that hubris.

Some would say – “it’s survival of the fittest” and if the Alt Right displaces other forms of racial activism, then that’s all for the good.  My reply is that fitness in a particular environment doesn’t always equal the best outcome from the White racial standpoint.  So, if Negroes out-reproduce and displace Whites from a territory, demonstrating superior biological fitness, is that the best outcome?  I would say no.  In a given environment, a roach or a bacterium may be more biologically fit than a human, but that doesn’t mean humans are then obligated to make way for insects and prokaryotes.  That the Alt Right is more fit for today’s pathological “movement” environment tells us we need to change the environment, not that we should embrace the metastatic fitness of the inept Alt Right.

The Alt Right, on the other hand, is a culture primarily of blogs, memes, podcasts, and videos. It has yet to produce a single book or other statement of principles that everyone involved would agree is the quintessence of the Alt Right’s worldview. This is a natural outgrowth of the anti-intellectualism inherent in Anglo-American political and cultural discourse…

Anti-intellectualism is putting it mildly.  But get this:

The American Right (just as the American Left, albeit in different ways) is absolutely obsessed with race: evolutionary theories, comparative IQ scores, crime statistics, and the like.

But at the same time it is anti-intellectual.  Does that make sense?  Actually it does, when one realizes that the “racial science” of the American Right is for the most part a combination of pseudoscience, science fiction, and Ostara-like fantasy.  The paradox of an anti-intellectual “movement” being at the same time obsessed with racial theories and “HBD” is no paradox when you realize that “racial history/HBD/race realism” is anti-intellectual hokum.

In no way can neo-Nazis be regarded as Alt Right or New Right.

You got that right.  Except instead of a cartoonish “neo-Nazi” instead use “principled national socialist.”

We can’t pretend that an Irishman and a Russian are interchangeable.

That canard again.  I want to know – who says that?  Who believes it?  Who advocates that? If ethnonationalists don’t want to be viewed as fundamentally dishonest then you guys really need to stop making the most absurd strawman arguments.

…and who in some cases have even called for political unification between America, Europe, and Russia, is a severe disservice to the diversity inherent in European civilization. 

Some sort of union or confederation need not imperil local distinctiveness. Even Yockey, that advocate of Western Imperium, specifically noted that local identities would be preserved.  

This is not to suggest that there is no basis for Europeans and those of the European diaspora around the world to work together towards common ends, but I believe this can only be rooted in the specificity of particular nations, regions, and traditions, otherwise we will simply be exchanging the cosmopolitan homogenization of global multiculturalism for a “white” form of homogenization. 

More ethnonationalist strawman arguments.  Who is calling for a general homogenization of Whites (other than Hoffmeister in the Intro to Lowell’s book, and I long ago sharply critiqued him for that.  One person.  One. That’s what you build an argument against?

The various European peoples and their offshoots have specific needs and identities, and these must all be respected and nourished under separate and unique institutions. 

Yes, and?

So while I would never suggest that studies of or concern with race are without value, I believe that ethnicity has to take first priority over race as we consider what we are fighting for.

Prioritizing ethnicity over race led to the two world wars that wrecked the White world, directly leading to our sorry state.  Are we supposed to let dishonest ethnonationalists lead us to the abyss again?

Which brings me to two more deficiencies of the Alt Right project, at least as it has played out so far: it lacks any solid economic or geopolitical viewpoint. It’s too focused on problems at home and on identity politics to be worried about the larger picture…I may have sounded very critical of the Alt Right in this talk, and indeed, I think it still has a long way to go before it can be taken seriously as a political movement worthy of contending for actual power, as opposed to the vague influence it exerts today.

You’re getting dangerously close to “old crank” territory there, Morgan.

I think a marriage between the ideas of the New Right and the techniques of the Alt Right can be a very happy and fruitful one.

I don’t know…given what I’m seeing, it’s just as likely we’ll get a marriage between the ideas of the Alt Right and the techniques of the New Right.

Let’s turn all of this around. Let’s consider the grand ethnonationalist Europe with all the atomized nations with their absolute sovereignty. Let’s take Ireland, since that nation has been mentioned. What if Ireland decides to ditch ethnonationalism and solve its “labor shortage” by importing one million hard-working African Negroes. Do they have the right to import Negroes into a nationalist Europe? Yes or no?

Another one (and more dear to the heart of the Majority Rights Silk Road crowd). Let’s say that Ireland decides to conduct a military alliance with China against England, with Chinese military bases on Irish soil.That OK? Yes or no?

If you say yes, well that’s quite interesting indeed, the “logical outcome” of ethnonationalism. If you say no, then you admit to limits to national sovereignty and a racial veto to destructive behavior of individual nations.

John and Stephen vs. Sir Desmond

Reality vs. Lies.

We may all remember the great and good Sir Desmond Jones saying that “the White race is a 20th century Jewish construct.”  In other words, his idea is that the White race as a Race-Culture entity of the peoples of Europe and their cultures does not exist and never existed, no one ever thought of or recognized a White race before the concept was invented by dastardly 20th century Jews to undermine Anglo-Saxons.  

Now, I have already pointed out how as far back as 1790 America a White race was (of course) recognized.  At another blog I cited John C. Calhoun, which I reproduce below:

I know further, sir, that we have never dreamt of incorporating into our Union any but the Caucasian race—the free white race. To incorporate Mexico, would be the very first instance of the kind of incorporating an Indian race; for more than half of the Mexicans are Indians, and the other is composed chiefly of mixed tribes. I protest against such a union as that! Ours, sir, is the Government of a white race. The greatest misfortunes of Spanish America are to be traced to the fatal error of placing these colored races on an equality with the white race. That error destroyed the social arrangement which formed the basis of society. The Portuguese and ourselves have escaped—the Portuguese at least to some extent—and we are the only people on this continent which have made revolutions without being followed by anarchy. And yet it is professed and talked about to erect these Mexicans into a Territorial Government, and place them on an equality with the people of the United States. I protest utterly against such a project.

That’s from a 19th century founding stock American, not a 20th century Jew.  Now, we can look at another such American, Stephen A. Douglas, who said:

I believe this government was made on the white basis. I believe it was made by white men for the benefit of white men and their posterity for ever; and I am in favor of confining citizenship to white men, men of European birth and descent, instead of conferring it upon negroes, Indians and other inferior races.

Let’s take a look again, now with emphasis added:

I believe this government was made on the white basis. I believe it was made by white men for the benefit of white men and their posterity for ever; and I am in favor of confining citizenship to white men, men of European birth and descent, instead of conferring it upon negroes, Indians and other inferior races.

Rabbi Douglas?

It’s quite clear that Jones was lying to you, another fantastic invention by crazed ethnic fetishists.  

Now, it is true that some people in the past did not consider Irish or Italians or Poles as “White” and that Ben Franklin considered only the English and Saxons as “White” – to him even Scandinavians were “tawny” coloreds.  But those opinions were outliers; the common view always was that Europeans are “White” and that a “White race” – as opposed to Coloreds – existed. Douglas talked about “men of European birth and descent” as being “white men.” Calhoun clearly included the Spaniards and Portuguese as “the free white race” as compared to Indians and mestizos.

Now, I am not perfect, sometimes I make errors of fact, of interpretation, of judgment – but I never lie to my audience.  That is where I differ from some of my ideological opponents like Jones, who invent outright fabrications and try to pass them off as “reality.”  That’s a big difference – between someone who is sometimes wrong but well-intentioned and others who are fundamentally dishonest.  

“20th century Jewish construct,” my ass.

Sunic’s Reasonableness vs. Ethnonationalist Dishonesty

Good sense vs. stupidity.

Tom Sunic makes good points about the need for pan-European cooperation and against narrow and divisive ethnonationalism.

Here are Sunic’s main points:

My main point is that various European national identities should from now on play a secondary role. I argue that our first priority should be to what is sometimes conveniently referred to as our common biocultural identity, or to put it in different words, the salvaging of our common and collective heredity as represented by the broader family of interrelated European peoples…
…it is outdated for the Croats and Serbs, or for the Poles and Germans to wage war with each other or to dwell endlessly on their mutually exclusive historical grievances…
…European small-time nationalisms, with a flurry of national identities of sorts, inherited from the 20th century, must no longer play a crucial role in our new identity building process…This can best be observed in Ukraine and Croatia for instance, where a Croatian or Ukrainian nationalist often continues to frame his national identity on his anti-Serbian or anti-Russian sentiments respectively. Such obsolete and often conflict- prone “negative” identities are no longer acceptable in today’s Europe.

Please note that Sunic accepts the reality of narrow identities and states that such identities should be accepted:

For example a Flemish national cannot be a Walloon national – just as a South Tyrolean nationalist must not be denied freedom to show his German roots to his Italian nationalist colleague.

So, what is the ethnonationalist reaction to Sunic’s reasonable essay?  We get this hysterical comment, emphasis added:

Yes, European cooperation is absolutely necessary. But different ethnic groups banded together to face off predation against other more unified powers, hence England unifying against the Vikings, Germany against the French &c. German dominance of the EU, by virtue of geography, size and industry, is a proof of the continuing legacy of ethnic division of power within Europe. Why should an Englishman want to be legislated for by Albanians or Kosovans, my European ‘brothers’?
These national divisions are reinforced by language. The United States does not contain groups of different nationalities speaking their own languages. Different ethnicities came to the U.S. and formed a new ethnic group, speaking English. If an American goes to Europe, people are not going to identify him as a genericised white, but as an American.

I can’t quite see where in Sunic’s essay that he states, suggests, or implies that Englishmen should be legislated for by “Albanians or Kosovans” or anything else. It’s pure invention; unfortunately, someone reading the comment and not the essay would think that Sunic is advocating some sort of highly centralized European super-state smothering national identifies – rather than simply advocating “European cooperation” and accepting national identities. One reason I am so hostile to ethnonationalism is my long experience with ethnonationalists and other opponents of pan-Europeanism who are typically dishonest – fundamentally dishonest.  Lies, distortion, strawmen, illogic, stupidity – the calling cards of the unrepentant ethnonationalist

And the idea that, under pan-European cooperation, Albanians or Kosovans (groups, as mostly Muslim Europeans, may not be part of the European biocultural group as defined by most WNs) are going to be browbeating Englishmen, is ludicrous.  If any group has been dictating to the English, and other Europeans, it is the Germans.  As Sunic states:

The political roots of this morbid “welcoming culture” (at the core of which is the culture of guilt) are not difficult to trace. The roots of these self-destructive policies are legally embedded in the decades following 1945. It is not difficult to imagine that the policy pursued by German Chancellor Merkel was formulated precisely to exorcise the ghosts of the nightmarish past. As a result, she may find herself compelled to shield herself by pursuing what might be called a destructive extremism going in the opposite direction.

But typical “movement” Nutzis are “not allowed” to criticize Germans, so we need to engage in fantasies about “Albanians or Kosovans.”  The idiot quoted above admits that Germans dominate the EU (their industry!  their industry!), but that’s used to justify narrow identity, while the “problem” of EU opposition to national sovereignty is from “Albanians or Kosovans.” Pathetic.

Then we have this stupidity:

The United States does not contain groups of different nationalities speaking their own languages. Different ethnicities came to the U.S. and formed a new ethnic group, speaking English. If an American goes to Europe, people are not going to identify him as a genericised white, but as an American.

What about a Negro “American” speaking English?  So, obviously race is important, the White American will be identified as a White American.   Finally, Sunic is giving a prescriptive argument, not a descriptive one, but don’t think that the ethnonationalists recognize the difference.

Until such time that ethnonationalists can conduct honest and intelligent discussions, they should be ignored and scorned.