Author: eginotes

Against Carl and For Whites

Book review and a statement of principle.

See this.

Amazon description:

Anti-white racism, undisguised and unembarrassed, is now official policy in America.

One class of citizens—whites—is openly discriminated against in every sphere of public and private life. The Unprotected Class is a comprehensive explanation of how we got here and what we must do to correct a manifest—and dangerous—injustice.

Launched with an appeal to justice for all, the civil rights movement went off the rails even as it achieved its original goals. Soon its excesses and failures were exploited to justify discrimination against whites in business, education, law, entertainment, and even the church. With the death of George Floyd and the shedding of all pretense of racial justice, vindictiveness, resentment, and hatred were unleashed in America.

Basically, an executive summary of this book is that it is excellent with respect to description (stating what the problems are – it is doom and gloom outrage porn that would make “Gregory Hood” proud) but terribly wrong and destructive with respect to prescription (what should be done about these problems). The latter issue is not surprising given the author’s Jewish ancestry (more about that below).

Among the description are passages such as that one could read from my work; for example, consider these comments about White Flight:

…the rather pathetic spectacle of groups of non-whites following whites as whited move like vagabonds from place to place, looking for a community free from crime and chaos – all while the non-whites yell at whites about how racist they are.  Of course, if whites later move back into the heavily minority neighborhoods they once left, they are accused of gentrifying” “them.”

Indeed. And it seems that Carl’s warnings about expropriation were prescient.

As regards prescription, particularly the major overarching themes of his prescriptions, I note that Carl in this book advocates in favor of Kaufmann’s genocidal Whiteshifting agenda (*), and the uses the assimilation of Southern Europeans as a historical example of how this can be successful; after all, there’s no difference between a Southern European and a mestizo or mulatto Hispanic or a Eurasian, amirite?

Lessons –

1. Never trust a conservative.

2. Never trust “right-wing Jews.”  Carl describes himself as a “…an actively engaged Christian of Jewish descent…”  I’ll comment about that at the end.

Carl also favorably mentions Sailer’s citizenism.  So, here we have someone who has the descriptive down pat, but is peddling a dangerous and genocidal prescriptive formula.  And of course this civic nationalist cul-de-sac gets promoted by Tucker Carlson (who favorably interviewed Carl), who never seems to interview any of the “we’re winning” Quota Queens. Fact is, White anger and increasing White receptiveness to a racial message is being deflected into aracial cuckservatism, and the failed “movement” cannot do anything about it.  For all their talk of “optics,” they have zero appeal to the White masses.

Carl rejects White nationalism (surprise!) as being something that “would be completely destructive of the fabric of American society.” To that I say – good. Any society that would be destroyed by White nationalism deserves to be destroyed. Carl is delusional if he believes that this “American will be destroyed” argument is going to convince White nationalists who have given up on America. Of course, this argument by Carl is aimed more generally at disgruntled Whites who have a choice between aracial civic nationalism (Carl’s choice) and a more race-based form of hardcore identity politics (my choice). Today, his argument has power for deluded Whites, but as the racial situation worsens and as America becomes more and more an alien and hostile land for Whites, it is possible – we can hope – that increasing numbers of Whites will respond to Carl’s argument that White nationalism will destroy America as I have, with a resounding “good.”  However, given how feckless and pathetic White Americans are, I wouldn’t bet on it.  Hope springs eternal, but since a majority of White Americans are Color-loving Eloi – even those on the Far Right love Color – let’s just say I’m skeptical. Aliens like Carl don’t make the situation any easier by providing to Whites a safe, dead-end civic nationalist alternative that some Whites will hold on to even when America’s rotting corpse begins to stink.  But, again, we can hope for at least some Whites to, finally, turn their back on the America delusion. The increasing numbers of Whites pondering a “national divorce” (but do they really mean it and would that “divorce’ be about ideology and not race?) allows for some mild optimism (VERY mild).

Thus, Carl, who endorses Kaufmann’s Whiteshift and Sailer’s citizenism, promotes a general strategy of conservative compromise.  While I agree with some details of his prescription – such as stopping mass immigration and using lawfare against the anti-White Left – I totally disagree with his overall strategy of Whites accepting a multiracial America, accepting their long-range demographic eclipse, and accepting a “widening” of “Whiteness” to include non-European and mixed-race peoples, Whites accepting mongrelization, and Whites accepting a permanent dilution and diminution of their European genetic and cultural heritage. Carl also approvingly quotes the execrable Razib Khan regarding Magyar genetic extinction coupled to cultural continuity, with implications about the future for Whites.  Carl assures us that there are too many Whites to become extinct as did the Magyars, but isn’t that what Whiteshift inevitably will lead to?  Why mention the Magyars unless that is considered an acceptable possible outcome for White America?

Statement of principle: Instead, I promote the opposite. Whites should give up on America, which is a dead country with no future. Whites should coalesce around their specific European racial/genetic/biological and cultural heritage. They must absolutely reject Whiteshift and absolutely reject civic nationalist citizenism. They must reject “non-White allies” (including Jews) and they must reject “non-White Whites (sic).” They must reject compromise, they must reject easy short-term solutions, and they must accept the reality that there must be short-term and medium-term pain in order to achieve a stable, long-term real solution to our race’s racial problems. Instead of conservative compromise, we should instead move in the direction of uncompromising radical and revolutionary activism. Whites must hold the line with respect to defining themselves as people of indigenous European stock. They must take an “ourselves alone” attitude, eschew “alliances” with other groups, and have a long-term goal of radical change (although, smaller changes to weaken the System can form part of the strategic “Suvorov’s Law” approach – see below). That must be the fundamental overarching strategy.  

In fact, Carl’s last chapter is incoherent.  He admits that Whites are being subjected to “cultural” (only cultural???!!!) genocide, yet for Whites to fight that genocide by coalescing around a racial White identity and struggling for White nationalism is somehow bad and “unfair” to all those nice decent non-White “ Americans.  After all, if you are being targeted for genocide based on RACE (with “culture” a proxy for that), then that existential threat must be opposed by an equally powerful counterforce.  If we are being subjected to genocide, is the proper response to say, “right-o, I’ll help my own race’s destruction, only can we do it a bit slower and more painless, please?” I do not think so. Carl worries about “violence” yet advocates for “bodies in the streets” for protest and the need for “sacrifice.”  Sacrifice?  For what? To beg and plead to all those “decent” non-Whites to please, pretty please, don’t genocide us?  Carl states that we need Asian allies, but then also states that Whites need to be the ones to speak out on their own behalf and should not depend on non-Whites (like him?) to do it for them. And getting back to his promotion of Whiteshifting – of course, Carl would describe the genocide that he opposes as “cultural” because his solution would lead to racial genocide, so he can’t well complain about the same sort of genocide that his own prescription would lead do, right?  While Carl gets the “small stuff” right in the last chapter, he gets the “big stuff” all wrong.

And another reason for rejecting Carl’s prescription if compromise, besides that it will be destructive specifically for Whites in America, is that the racial crisis is worldwide, in every majority White country, including and especially our European homelands. This is an existential crisis for Whites, and there is no place to run to if White America is destroyed.  We have to make a racial stand because Whites are being attacked as a race everywhere, it is not just an “American sociopolitical problem.” If we compromise in America, what about elsewhere?  Europe as well? Will Whites not have any home of their own?

Reading Carl’s book, I see that there are two sets of battles going on for the soul of the American Right. On the broader Pan-Right scale, there is the struggle between conservative aracial civic nationalism that wants to salvage a multiracial America and is willing to throw European-American racial integrity under the bus to do so, and the racialist Far Right, which wants to safeguard European-American racial identity and realizes – at least some of us do – that America is a dead country with no future and we need to move toward a post-American future. Then, within the Far Right itself, there is a struggle between Der Movement and the nascent New Movement that needs to replace it. The former is characterized by freakish failure, Nordicism, HBD, ethnonationalism, perverts, grifters, and WN 3.0 multiracial “White nationalism.” The latter supports Pan-European White nationalism, a Whites-only movement, and an adherence to facts and logic. I can’t help but notice that from my perspective, the Eloi are enriched in the wrong side of both sets of struggles. Given that the Eloi are junior partners to the Jews, Eloi support for Carl’s book will come as no surprise.

Reading the Jerome Carl book, for all of its faults, does clarify once more what an utter failure Der Movement is, and doubly so. First, the litany of woe clearly demonstrates that things are worse than ever for Whites and there is no effective push-back, real world pro-White activism that influences on-the-ground outcomes is non-existent. Second, the inability of Der Movement to take advantage of this desperate situation to recruit disgruntled Whites also clearly demonstrates what an inept failure Der Movement is, and how unappealing it is to potentially receptive Whites. That Der Movement tries to obfuscate their failure by noting their “page views” – while of course panhandling for donations – shows what dishonest grifters they all are.

One positive of Carl’s book is that any sensible and intelligent Whites out there reading the book can get motivated by Carl’s descriptions and thus become activists, while at the same time opposing Carl’s more destructive prescriptions.  Conservative compromise is how we got to the sorry state we are in now; Carl’s general approach to prescription is precisely what has led to the description that his wrong-headed prescription is supposed to “solve.”

Is it any wonder Der Right always loses?

Instead, we can invoke Suvorov’s Law (“revolutions do not take place during the time of greatest repression, but when that repression is suddenly relaxed”).  Even if Carl actually believes the cuckservative drivel of his last chapter, if Whites become mobilized and win the small-scale victories Carl envisions, then that can embolden previously cowardly Whites to do even more’ further, having the System be forced to make concessions would reveal weakness and hopefully lead to more radical change beyond that which Carl hopes for.  Relaxing the repression because of the pressure of White activist mobilization can be the precursor to revolution. In this sense, Carl and others like him can serve as “useful idiots.”

But I’m not optimistic. Thus, the Carl book spends 200+ pages outlining how bad things are for White Americans (“we’re winning?”). Then at the end he urges Whites to engage in protest and sacrifice. OK. Now, here’s the thing. I agree with Carl’s descriptions of the sorry state of White America today. Things really are terrible and we’re losing, and badly. But therein lies one of the reasons we are losing so badly. If Whites are persecuted so badly – and they are – why do they need to be so urged to fight back, protest, sacrifice, etc.? Any other group would have rebelled against this treatment long ago, any other group would not require 200+ page books outlining to them in gory detail all of the abuse and humiliations they face and then, even with that, would not then require urging to actually do something about it. Whites are a particularly feckless and self-abasing race (it’s not only Italians, lest you get the idea that I believe that, based on my criticism of that ethny). And the problem goes further – even among racially aware Whites, the ones who claim to believe in White Genocide and The Great Replacement, even those cannot be prompted to do anything useful, no matter how minor (as I have learned to my bitter disappointment); these “activists” believe leaving comments at retarded “movement” sites and giving some shekels to shameless grifters, constitutes “fighting back.” A major reason why Whites are in the sorry state they are in is related the lack of any significant response to being in that state. It’s the White Man’s Disease – an inability to act in their own racial interest; in many cases, not even being able to understand that they have racial interests, coupled to continuous catering to the interests of others.

We are losing and will no doubt will continue to lose, since no one wants to put in even the slightest effort for the serious political and metapolitical work required to win. “Right-wing activism” is an oxymoron.

Now about Carl’s ancestry – can we be surprised that a Jew peddles poison to us in the guise of “I’m one of you?” On the Left, we have the “fellow Whites” phenomenon, where Jews posing as Whites promote White guilt and White surrender – “we need to atone for our sins”- “we” meaning Whites.  On the Right, we have Carl, Michael “multiracial White separatist state” Hart (“Asians and others” included), Weissberg and the “racial status quo,” etc. Then there is Unz with his love of Hispanic immigration and the well known affiliation of rightist Jews with the anti-White HBD cult. In the mainstream, we have Kaufmann who is half-Jewish. In virtually every single case where a Jew peddles some sort of racial advice to Whites it is invariably racially destructive. They can’t help themselves; they are not us, they can never be us, and their interests are different from ours. Jews fear racial and cultural homogeneity in the nations they live in as part of their Diaspora, they have an innate tropism for diversity and for mixing other groups, so they will oppose strict White nationalism, oppose homogeneous White ethnostates, and oppose a European-based definition of Whiteness –  everything necessary for our long term racial survival will be opposed by Jews. And of course, the same holds for other non-White “allies,” who always oppose Pan-European White solidarity and instead promote anything that will divide Whites (e.g., HBD, Nordicism, etc.).

Do not listen to Carl and his pro-Whiteshift siren song leading you to racial destruction.

* Note:

More on Whiteshifting:

See this.

And this.

And this.

And this.

WDR43: We Have a Problem

A big problem.

Listen here.

I just saw that now they’re claiming they got up to ~400 poll submissions. The essential failure continues.

As regards my podcast, people will cite social pricing, but that’s not relevant for an online survey poll or submitting ask me anything questions or many other low level activities that “activists” (sic) won’t do. People may also cite things like Unite the Right as an example of “people doing things” – besides not being any sort of effective activity, quite the opposite being a typical “movement” catastrophe, how many people were involved anyway? 

My argument stands.

Pan-Europeanism is Anti-Imperialist

Some reality.

Contra the gaslighting mendacity from meritless midwits that Pan-Europeanism is “Imperialism” or “White Imperialism” I argue that from the perspective of intra-European relations, Pan-Europeanism can be an anti-imperialist force.  Indeed, ethnonationalism is what has in the past, is today, and can in the future promote intra-European imperialism.

A Pan-European state superstructure can mediate disputes among European nations and intervene in cases in which exploitation or other bad behaviors disrupt intra-European relations, disturbing White comity, and corroding the organic solidarity of our Race-Culture. In contrast, ethnonationalism has a sorry history, not only including the various wars between European peoples including two devastating world wars that wrecked the White world, and not only German ethno nationalist attempts at imperialist hegemony during the second of those world wars, but also today’s ethnoimperialist behavior.  Thus, so-called “ethnonationalists” of certain types of ethnic provenance believe they have the innate right to live in other (White) people’s countries, violating the ethnic homogeneity of those others. The use of Budapest has a crash pad and flop house for “ethnonationalists” of Northwest European ancestry is a prime example of this tendency. We can project the same in the future; a Europe, a White world, of ethnonationalisms will no doubt see attempts of Whites to exploit other Whites in the same ethnoimperialist manner.

It is therefore no surprise that today’s “ethnonationalists” are vehemently opposed to a Pan-Europeanism that has the potential to curb ethnoimperialist behavior.

Putting aside cheap rhetoric and looking at actual behavior, it is clear that “White Imperialism” is an apt description for White ethnonationalism, and that Pan-Europeanism stands firm as a force opposed to that imperialism.

Ultimate-Proximate Decision Matrix

Making fundamental decisions.

How to balance genetic (ultimate) interests with more proximate interests? At what point is a proximate interest compelling enough to justify sacrificing genetic interests? Can that ever be justified?  Can a short-term sacrifice of genetic interests for some compelling proximate interest actually have the long-term effect of boosting genetic interests when all the costs and benefits are calculated?  Let us consider together; however, first, let us get some definitions established.

Brief glossary:

Ultimate interests – genetic interests. EGI = ethnic genetic interests.

Proximate interests – all other interests (e.g., culture, preferences, aesthetics, economics, moral standards, etc.).  High proximate interests are things like High Culture, civilization, high-level science and technics, strategic interests, particular human phenotypic traits – things that are essential to a Race-Culture and that may be able to enhance Net EGI. Low proximate interests, such as economics, civil rights, and other more “plebian” concerns are those that often decease EGI.

Gross ethnic genetic interests (Gross EGI) – the immediate effects on adaptive fitness of any decision of action, the (naïve) optimization of genetic interests, the measure of genetic interests without balancing costs and benefits and without considering of what the later effects on genetic interests would be.

Net ethnic genetic interests (Net EGI) – the long-term effects on adaptive fitness of any decision of action, the measure of genetic interests based on a balancing of costs and benefits and with careful considering of what the later effects on genetic interests would be.

Discussion about the glossary:

An example I give of gross vs. net EGI would be the size of the nation state.  Following the “smaller is better” theory, and the ethnonationalist ideal of balkanizing nations into “impotent little statelets,” one might say that ethnic genetic interests are being optimized by creating a nation state with the most highly concentrated ethnic genetic interests of the most closely related peoples.  That would be gross genetic interests.  But what if the division of nations and peoples in this manner breaks the organic solidarity of a larger ethny, what if the states become so “impotent” that they cannot effectively defend themselves, what if the power and status of the group is so weakened that their adaptive fitness is decreased?  The long term result of all of this, when all the costs and benefits are balanced, may well be a decrease in adaptive fitness, a decline in the group’s genetic interests.  These later result would be the net genetic interests, the outcome after all of the plusses and minuses are applied to the original gross genetic interests.

Of course, one can have gross vs. net genetic interests at other levels of genetic interests, such as family. Gross familial genetic interests would be maximized by having as many children as possible, but if that decreases their competitiveness, and in the long run means fewer grandchildren and other descendants, then the net familial genetic interests may be best achieved by a moderate family size with a more reasonable number of children.

End glossary and the discussion of the glossary.

Main points:

It would be useful to have easy-to-use computation programs that can be used to process autosomal human genetic data to calculate genetic kinship and “child equivalents” comparing individuals to individuals, individuals to groups, and groups to groups. This can be done by the typical “beanbag genetics” and also after analysis of genetic integration, according to the Gillet and Gregorius method.

Having these data would allow us to calculate kinship and child equivalents for various biopolitical scenarios, so as to allow the EGI Firewall to prevent maladaptive scenarios. In this way, we will always know, for each biopolitical possibility, what the costs and benefits would be with respect to EGI, which would assist in avoiding maladaptive choices.

It would also be useful to attempt to determine a measurement of proximate interests so as to compare to calculated ultimate genetic interests. Of course proximate interests are relatively subjective but this exercise would still be useful.  Again, the objective would be comparing individuals to individuals, individuals to groups, and groups to groups, but instead of evaluating genetic distance, the metric would be, e.g., various types of phenotypic evaluations, cultural distance, or any other characteristic of interest to Race-Culture other than genetic interests. One could even delve into areas such as economic value to satisfy those interested in less important proximate metrics. These data could be then put into something akin to “child equivalents,” we can call it non-genetic value equivalents (NGVE).

Using these data, could then then attempt to equate a given about of NGVE to a given amount of child equivalents.  No doubt this is subjective, but again, it could be useful.  How many child equivalents would one be willing to forego in exchange for a certain amount of NGVE?  Think of this as ultimate-proximate opportunity costs, or akin to putting a monetary value on a human life.

Having some sort of measurement of proximate interests to compare to ultimate (genetic) interests would allow for a rational and (relatively) more objective approach for Salter’s mixed adaptive utilitarianism (MUA). In MUA, there are limits to which genetic interests are pursued; in this way, there are constraints. As one extreme example, one can argue that an ethny’s EGI can be maximized if they exterminate all other ethnies and then populate the entire world territory themselves. Besides the practical problems with that, and the very real possibility of it backfiring and ending up harming the ethny that attempted it, thus sacrificing their long term net genetic interests for a delusional attempt to to optimize gross genetic interests, there are moral issues as well. MUA in essence follows “The Golden Rule” with respect to genetic interests; while competition and unequal outcomes are allowed (and expected), no ethny should face an existential threat to their existence, or even an extreme diminishment of their genetic interests in the context of minimal survival. Thus I wrote:

I have long been interested in melding the work of Salter on ethnic genetic interests – genetic interests being ultimate interests – with the ideas of Yockey, which, with its focus on High Culture, can be viewed as more proximate (issues other than [purely] genetic interests).  For example, see this.

The relationship between ultimate and proximate interests can therefore inform approaches concerning the merger of the Salterian and Yockeyian paradigms. In my analysis of Salterian ethics, I endorsed Salter’s mixed adaptive utilitarianism (MAU):

Finally, while the MAU puts limits on the degree to which genetic interests can be pursued, people and ethnies must still have the freedom to advance (not merely defend) their interests within reasonable bounds…That this can be done via the MAU has been argued in Salter’s book and also in my comments above; I would promote a rather aggressive version of the MAU, but one that still incorporates limits and which respects certain proximate interests…in my case, I would value society-wide proximate interests, such as Yockey’s call to actualize a High Culture, over mere individual rights…

Note the mention of Yockeyism there. Thus, a prudent MUA, even one that is aggressive, is compatible with broad proximate interests, such as Yockey’s Imperium idea that is based on High Culture. Of course, there is a strong association between ultimate and proximate interests in this case. After all, a Yockeyian Imperium could safeguard the interests, including the ethnic genetic interests, of the constituent European ethnies constituting that Imperium. On the other hand, a focus on ultimate interests can lead to Yockey’s (proximate) Imperium, with the explanation for that stated above. In the last analysis, the reason that the various European ethnies belong to the same High Culture is their membership in the same continental race, hence the fact that those ethnies have related racial ancestries (genetic kinship leading to overlapping ultimate interests). It is therefore difficult to untangle ultimate from proximate interests in this case.  And that entanglement is important for what follows in my analysis.

Of course, those who adopt what Salter calls the “pure ethic” with respect to EGI would reject any exchange of child equivalents for NGVE, but those who favor “mixed adaptive utilitarianism” may be more flexible.  Then we get into my concept of gross vs. net genetic interests. What may seem at first a sacrifice of (gross) genetic interests for proximate interests may turn out to boost net genetic interests, if the proximate values that are being prioritized end up, in the long run, boosting the fitness of the group.

See this.

As regards prioritizing net over gross genetic interests, this is not only common sense – one wants to optimize the final outcome after costs and benefits are taken into account – but also tries to avoid the “bounded rationality” problem that can occur with an over-zealous focus on gross genetic interests:

Salter notes that “bounded rationality” – our inability to ever know everything necessary about a problem or issue – is a good reason not to advocate for the pure ethic of unbridled pursuit of genetic interests…dividing a larger nation into smaller micro-states of more concentrated kinship may be seen as maximizing EGI, but if this division weakens the ability of the populations involved to defend their interests against aggressors (or achieve some other beneficial goal that requires a certain size threshold), then net adaptive interests would suffer. Maximizing EGI, trying to squeeze every last drop of genetic interest from a situation, may backfire. In addition, the possibility of kinship overlap between populations is another reason not to be too radical in the pursuit of EGI, particularly within continents, since some people on “their side” may be more genetically similar to you than those on “your side”…The bounded rationality problem, coupled to the possibility of kinship overlap, therefore suggests that a degree of flexibility in the pursuit of EGI is optimal, since errors in interpreting kinship and the best methods for pursuing adaptiveness may result in serious, perhaps irreversible, damage to adaptive interests…

Given kinship overlap between Europeans, the extreme ethnonationalism championed by the petty nationalists “may result in serious, perhaps irreversible, damage to adaptive interests.” Of course, one can question whether these petty nationalists have any rationality at all, forget about “bounded rationality.” This also relates to my distinction between a pursuit of “gross genetic interests” – attempting to maximize genetic interests without consideration of costs and benefits and what the ultimate outcomes are – and “net genetic interests” – pursuit of optimizing benefits vs. costs with respect to genetic interests so as to provide the best final outcome when all factors are properly considered.

Of course, “bounded rationality” can be a problem for any analysis, even the more balanced one promoted in this post; however, it seems to me it is more of a problem one when focuses on a single metric to the exclusion of all other considerations.

I also previously wrote:

I have long been interested in melding the work of Salter on ethnic genetic interests – genetic interests being ultimate interests – with the ideas of Yockey, which, with its focus on High Culture, can be viewed as more proximate (issues other than [purely] genetic interests).  For example, see this.

The relationship between ultimate and proximate interests can therefore inform approaches concerning the merger of the Salterian and Yockeyian paradigms. In my analysis of Salterian ethics, I endorsed Salter’s mixed adaptive utilitarianism (MAU):

Finally, while the MAU puts limits on the degree to which genetic interests can be pursued, people and ethnies must still have the freedom to advance (not merely defend) their interests within reasonable bounds…That this can be done via the MAU has been argued in Salter’s book and also in my comments above; I would promote a rather aggressive version of the MAU, but one that still incorporates limits and which respects certain proximate interests…in my case, I would value society-wide proximate interests, such as Yockey’s call to actualize a High Culture, over mere individual rights…

Note the mention of Yockeyism there. Thus, a prudent MUA, even one that is aggressive, is compatible with broad proximate interests, such as Yockey’s Imperium idea that is based on High Culture. Of course, there is a strong association between ultimate and proximate interests in this case. After all, a Yockeyian Imperium could safeguard the interests, including the ethnic genetic interests, of the constituent European ethnies constituting that Imperium. On the other hand, a focus on ultimate interests can lead to Yockey’s (proximate) Imperium, with the explanation for that stated above. In the last analysis, the reason that the various European ethnies belong to the same High Culture is their membership in the same continental race, hence the fact that those ethnies have related racial ancestries (genetic kinship leading to overlapping ultimate interests). It is therefore difficult to untangle ultimate from proximate interests in this case.  And that entanglement is important for what follows in my analysis.

Note the statement that it is difficult to untangle ultimate and proximate interests. That is an issue for the decision matrix analysis below. There, I have separate categories for genetic interests (net and gross) as well as high and low proximate interests, even though high proximate interests can boost net genetic interests (even if they may, in the short term, modestly depress gross genetic interests), while low proximate interests often depress both net and gross genetic interests.  So, there may be a type of “double counting” going on, at least in part. My argument is that this is not a highly quantitative scientific analysis or some sort of engineering project where an exact and accurate answer is crucial. Instead, we are modeling biopolitical alternatives and comparing projected outcomes, so we need to take a broader view and worry about details and exact numbers.  We are trying to model a complex system in a manner that is understandable, and some “coarse-graining” is inevitable.

In summary, I would favor ultimate interests over proximate interests all else being equal but if some degree of proximate focus serves net ultimate interests then proximate needs can be given a high priority in certain contexts.  And if we follow the MUA, there needs to be reasonable constraints with respect to the pursuit of EGI, constraints that likely would in fact enhance long term net genetic interests. With all of that, we still must remember that, in general, overall genetic interests can be objectively determined but proximate interests will always be somewhat subjective. Therefore, and given that the genetic interests are the “ultimate” interests from the standpoint of adaptive, all else being equal, genetic interests should usually be given priority.  But reality is complex, and “all else” is often not equal, so additional considerations come into play.  In particular, if it can be shown that a short-term sacrifice of some gross genetic interests in favor of some major proximate interest can in the long run enhance net genetic interests, then favoring a proximate interest can in fact enhance genetic interests, and thus the ultimate interest of adaptiveness is promoted.  But one must be careful. First, the sacrifice of immediate gross genetic interest should be small, certainly nothing that would include racially alien immigration or anything of that sort; instead it could involve relations between closely related peoples of the same race.  Second, the proximate interest must be something absolutely fundamental, something very important.  Third, there must be some strong and reasonable determination that promotion of this proximate interest can serve long term (net) genetic interests. So, in general, genetic interests should be prioritized over proximate interests, but in certain cases the proximate can a priority, but only of a strong case can be made that long term genetic interests will be promoted (or at least not harmed).

This is also relevant.

The decision matrix.

Let us assume that we have some reasonable approach to quantify proximate interests.  What next? How can we decide between alternative biopolitical choices, each of which have different effects on genetic (ultimate) interests (net and gross) as well on various types of proximate interests?

Tools such as the decision matrix, weighted decision table, etc. can be used as the theoretical basis for strategic decision making approaches with respect to ultimate (genetic) and proximate interests. The more objective genetic interests can serve as a baseline ranking and then various proximate interests can be ranked related to the genetic interests, all being appropriately weighted.  Proximate interests that can be reasonably seen as having the capacity to enhance (net) genetic interests would naturally be weighted more, and thus ranked higher, than those neutral to genetic interests, which would in turn be weighted/ranked to higher than proximate interests whose effect on genetic interests, including net genetic interests, would be negative. Iterative utilization of these processes, evaluated with computer modeling (artificial intelligence type programs may be useful), and perhaps coupled with ideas from game theory, can assist in developing a more robust and dependable decision making process for these issues.

As an example consider a decision matrix – specifically for White racial interests – that has as its choice comparisons (“X axis”) Pan-European Racial Nationalism, Ethnonationalism, Civic Nationalism, and Multiculturalism. These are ranked according to the following weighted characteristics, with weights in parentheses – Net EGI (10), Gross EGI (7), High proximate interests (5), and low proximate Interests (2). For Net EGI, Pan-Europeanism gets the highest rank (4), since I see that scenario as most optimal for boosting the adaptive fitness of all Whites over time.  Next would be Ethnonationalism (3), then Civic Nationalism (2) and finally Multiculturalism (1), which is destructive of White EGI. For Gross EGI, which switch the rankings of Ethnonationalism (now 4) and Pan-Europeanism (now 3), with the others being the same. The rationale here is that short-term superficial maximization of EGI can be obtained with smaller, more genetically homogeneous territories.  High proximate interests have the same rankings as Net EGI. Pan-Europeanism (4) is best, as it pools together the best of White groups and has economy of scale and the possibility of cooperative synergy.  Ethnonationalism (3) is better than the other choices since at least it is homogeneous; Multiculturalism (1, with Civic Nationalism at 2) is the worst for obvious reasons. As regards Low proximate interests, this is even more subjective than the others, but perhaps Civic Nationalism (4) would allow for the most optimal pursuit of raw economic objectives and other such concerns, following by Multiculturalism (3); among the racialist options, I would put Pan-Europeanism (2) above Ethnonationalism (1), since the former would have economy of scale, more synergy, and fewer obstacles commerce, etc. Adding all together gives Pan-European Racial Nationalism 85 points, Ethnonationalism 75 points, Civic Nationalism 52 points, and Multiculturalism 28 points.

Do not take the numbers given – the rankings and weights – too seriously; this is meant to illustrate how a decision matrix can be used in biopolitics, so I am presenting a simplified version with numbers that I have subjectively plugged in. For example, one can reasonably conclude that net genetic interests should be weighted to a greater extent than shown, and one can argue about all of the rankings and weights, as well as include more categories on the X and Y axes. Also, since the High Proximate Interests can influence Net EGI in a positive sense, and, often, the Proximate Interests damage all EGI, there is overlap in these categories, but it is still useful to separate them since do measure separate things, even if not independently. One could also argue that only Net EGI should be considered and that Gross EGI is redundant, but I believe there is utility in looking at them separately; while they overlap to a considerable degree, they are not the same thing, and there is a difference between Pan-Europeanism and Ethnonationalism for both form of EGI.  I can also be accused of bias for arranging the rankings and weights to make my favorite of Pan-European Racial Nationalism come out on top, with the other scenarios also in the scoring correlated to my preferences; however, this is my decision matrix and others can do differently, although we can hope for some consensus on basic principles. There are many caveats.  However, the point is made regarding how the concept can work in principle. These preliminary ideas can and should be expanded on in the future.

Table:

Pan-EuropeanismEthno
nationalism
Civic NationalismMulticulturalism
Net EGI (10) 4 (40) 3 (30) 2 (20) 1 (10)
Gross EGI (7) 3 (21) 4 (28) 2 (14) 1 (7)
High Proximate (5) 4 (20) 3 (15) 2 (10) 1 (5)
Low Proximate (2)2 (4) 1 (2) 4 (8) 3 (6)
Totals 85 75 52 28