Salter on Whiteshift.
The UN Genocide Convention (red font emphasis added):
Article I The Contracting Parties confirm that genocide, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war, is a crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and to punish.
Article II In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:(a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
Article III The following acts shall be punishable:(a) Genocide; (b) Conspiracy to commit genocide; (c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide; (d) Attempt to commit genocide; (e) Complicity in genocide.
Article IV Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.
Please keep the above in mind when considering the work of Eric Kaufmann and the objectives underlying that work.
Salter and I approach Whiteshift and its author Kaufmann in fundamentally opposite manners. Salter takes a generally positive approach, while citing specific negative aspects and making specific criticisms. On the other hand, I take a generally negative approach, while citing specific positive aspects that might derive from the work. This difference may be chalked up to personality differences – Salter may be a more optimistic “glass half full” type, while I am a pessimistic “glass half empty” person. Further, Salter may be more charitable to Kaufmann as part of a more scholarly review in a more mainstream publication, while EGI Notes is a polemic blog dedicated to political “extremism.” I possibly also have more experience dealing with the perfidy of folks like Kaufmann sugar-coating memetic poison to make it more palatable to Whites – e.g., I have been observing the HBDers do this for decades.
In any case, it is valuable to comment on Salter’s essay (emphasis added).
In Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration, and the Future of White Majorities, Eric Kaufmann spends 624 pages advancing a version of Senator Pauline Hanson’s motion put to the Parliament in September 2018. Hanson wanted senators to approve the proposition, “It is okay to be white”, an apparently harmless statement that challenged all major parties so much they voted it down. Kaufmann’s version is more consequential. He proposes that it is okay to say you are white. The outrage has been predictably loud.
See my comments toward the end. The Left is so hysterically anti-White that they are attacking one of their own. Kaufmann’s thesis, after all, is that one needs to search for a formula to make racial dispossession and extinction more palatable to Whites.
Whiteshift aims to explain the white populism that produced Brexit, the presidency of Donald Trump and the rise of nationalist parties across Europe. Kaufmann dismisses economics as the main cause. “Immigration is central. Ethnic change—the size and nature of the immigrant inflow and its capacity to challenge ethnic boundaries—is the story.” Kaufmann argues that the ethnic diversity caused by immigration is roiling Western societies. This already sets him apart because, though well known to many researchers, the social costs of diversity are steadfastly denied or ignored in mainstream social science. That is not new. In the 1990s the Australian historian Geoffrey Blainey was isolated in his warnings about the frequent divisiveness of ethnic diversity. 
Salter is perhaps too modest to state that he himself as been researching and writing on this topic for many years.
Kaufmann then strides further into taboo territory by describing how some whites—many whites—suffer from mass non-white immigration. Worse still, he does not resort to the usual progressive explanation that whites are incorrigibly racist or lack legitimate ethnic identity. Instead he treats them like all other ethnic groups, subject to the same motivations found around the world. He thinks it is normal for a people of any descent to feel pride in their identity and aspire to remain their country’s majority population. He rejects the “myth” that people of European heritage do not have ethnic interests, though he does not examine the concept in detail.
But then Kaufmann openly attacks those ethnic interests (see below). This is why I believe it is reasonable to classify him as a criminal – guilty of crimes against humanity. He needs to tried by a legally convened tribunal.
As Bernard Lane of the Australian has explained, Kaufmann’s book breaks taboos that have for decades constrained discussion of immigration and race. Kaufmann commits a sin just by explicitly and non-judgmentally discussing white identity.
This is not really true. He may be explicit but he certainly is judgmental. See below.
The rules governing contemporary public discourse are harsh enough concerning implicit mention of the subject. But instead of whistling the dog Kaufmann thinks everyone should call it by name.
Call it by name – and then find ways of weakening its power by lulling Whites to sleep with a “cultural Whiteness” that accepts genetic extinction.
The taboo against caring about white numbers greatly constrains rationality and fairness. The multicultural view is that whites should make way for ever greater diversity while celebrating their submersion. In reality, Whiteshift argues, falling white numbers explains the rise of white identitarian politics in Europe and around the Anglosphere. Kaufmann states that it is reasonable and predictable for people to be concerned about their ethnic decline. It is normal for ethnic groups to feel alarm when they see their share of the population plummeting. These sentiments are not manifestations of late-stage capitalism or some uniquely perverse aspect of whiteness, as is often taught in universities. They are part of humanity’s evolutionary inheritance.
Yet, ultimately, Kaufmann rejects the legitimacy and feasibility of Whites defending themselves on an explicitly racial-biological-genetic basis.
Kaufmann’s book is written for those on the Left who oppose white identity.
He seeks to moderate their opposition while not challenging other Left-liberal assumptions.
In an earlier book, The Rise and Fall of Anglo America (2004), Kaufmann described the origins of Left-liberalism and its Gramscian march through the institutions. In that book he used the term “cosmopolitanism”, which he defined as opposition to all ethnic exclusivity, and to all national and religious boundaries. He concluded that the ideology rose to a dominant position in elite American culture by the middle of the twentieth century, becoming a major force within the state by the 1960s. Variants had become common in Western universities by the 1930s and 1940s, aided by the new social sciences which stripped human nature out of sociology, anthropology and political studies. The result was ideological opposition to white identity. Many progressives see white ethnics, people who identify as white, as obstacles to a borderless global society. Consequently, they see white decline and eventual disappearance as a moral good.
“They” includes Kaufmann himself.
Four strategies in the white identity culture war
In Whiteshift Kaufmann describes four main strategies that have been adopted by Left-liberals and white ethnics in response to identity challenges. The first has been a white initiative to oppose the introduction of non-white, non-Christian minorities into their societies. “Whites can fight ethnic change by voting for right-wing populists or committing terrorist acts.”
Is that the only choice? Activists like Greg Johnson and Kevin Strom think different. So do I.
With regard to voting, before the 1960s it was normal for pro-white policies to be supported by the electorate, though the politicians championing the policies were not usually populists but members of the establishment.
That accomplished nothing, because it was a scam. The parties and candidates were simply dog whistling on race (at least in America post-1924; Australia may have been different) and were never serious about White interests. Eisenhower integrated schools at bayonet point. Post-1960, the scam just got worse. Nixon pushed affirmative action and busing. Reagan gave us illegal alien amnesty and Martin King day. Trump is a fraud
After the 1960s the policy of restricting non-white immigration fell into disuse because the major political parties did not take up the issue, despite opinion polls indicating that the policies would have been popular.
In America, this tracks with the rise of non-White political power and “civil rights.”
Mainstream politicians have shied away from making immigration an electoral issue, perhaps due to the power wielded by Left-liberal ideology. An example is Malcolm Fraser, Australia’s prime minister from 1975 to 1983 and a champion of multiculturalism. Fraser cautioned against allowing citizens to vote on immigration policy.
Similar elite attitudes over the last fifty years have contributed to diverse intakes rising across the Anglosphere and Western Europe, though not in Eastern Europe.
Give it time.
Regarding white populist terrorism Kaufmann reports that, according to Europol, in 2016 the Far Right accounted for “virtually none” of the mass murders committed in Europe. Islamic extremists committed 72 per cent, separatists such as the IRA committed 10 per cent, and leftists and anarchists committed 3 per cent. Is Far Right violence trending upwards? The major white nationalist terrorist attacks in Norway in 2011 and recently in New Zealand are consistent with such a trend. In the latter case the alleged killer railed against “the great replacement”, consistent with Kaufmann’s analysis. The phrase was originally the title of a book by the French writer Renaud Camus in which he described the ethnic French population’s rapidly falling share of the French population.
Kaufmann’s agenda to hoodwink Whites into accepting their racial demise will, in the long run, possibly make this violence more likely.
To understand the causes of white fight, Kaufmann relies on the soft social psychology of Karen Stenner, who names two responses to rising ethnic diversity—conservatism and authoritarianism. Conservatives are attached in a nostalgic way to the level of diversity experienced during their youth. According to this definition, conservatives oppose change in any direction, whether towards greater or lower diversity. Authoritarians are different. They feel uncomfortable with diversity because they seek order and security. Kaufmann identifies authoritarians as the main obstacle to the smooth ethnic transformation of Western societies because they cannot be lulled by a lower rate of change.
Time to impose some Frankfurt School style pathologization against them, I suppose. The Authoritarian Personality! Defective! Danger! Danger!
It is noteworthy that this interpretation of white ethnic behaviour breaks with evolutionary psychology. Stenner sees no role for ethnic nepotism, the most influential evolutionary theory of ethnicity. Instead she adopts a pejorative label reminiscent of the Frankfurt School’s discredited attack on the Christian family, The Authoritarian Personality.
Believe it or not, I wrote the preceding comment before I got to this part of Salter’s essay (I’m commenting on it as I read it). Great minds think alike.
Subsequently in Whiteshift Kaufmann qualifies the authoritarian category by emphasising the importance of kith and kin: “white conservatives scale up their ethnic attachments from the intimate community to the national ‘imagined community’”. This interpretation draws on evolutionary psychology, specifically the theory of ethnic nepotism developed by Pierre van den Berghe. Van den Berghe’s theory treats race as an important ethnic marker.
Because it is. Actually, van den Berghe’s theory is, insofar as I remember, fairly weak sauce compared to On Genetic Interests.
The second strategy described by Kaufmann has been one in which Left elites repress expressions of white identity. This strategy, conducted by university-trained white Left-liberals, has become such a prominent part of contemporary politics that it has acquired a popular label, “political correctness”.
Remember Suvorov’s Law (see below)? If you let the repression slip, it’s all over for you. The leadership cadres of the Left understand that if they let up, they are in trouble. This is why an overarching strategy for our side is to give them no choice – to establish a sociopolitical situation in which the “choice” for the Left/System (which is the same thing) is to either let White dissatisfaction spiral out of control with Whites disengaging from the System that absolutely requires their engaged participation OR a series of “reforms” and “compromises” a la Kaufmann that we should never be satisfied with (like the Left, we should always demand more) and that legitimizes White identity and paves the way for radicalization and collapse (look how quickly communism in the USSR and Eastern Europe collapsed after Gorbachev tried to reform the Soviet system in the vain hope of preserving it).
Reaction against it helped motivate Trump voters. A 2018 poll in Britain found evidence of widespread intimidation by multicultural zealotry. A third of respondents feared that expressing their views on immigration and other controversial subjects could get them criticised, fired from their jobs, or prosecuted.
Social pricing is even worse in the USA.
Aggressive political correctness is now being enforced wholesale across the Anglosphere by elements of the mainstream media, education system and corporations, especially the large social media companies. In Britain it has become commonplace for police to visit conservatives in their homes and caution them about violations of the progressive speech code. Kaufmann sees political intolerance from Left elites to be motivated by the “progressive” morality tale, in which whites disappear. He characterises this ethnic suppression as being, in reality, “anti-white” attacks by the “cultural left”.
And Kaufmann is part of the “cultural left,” but he’s attempting to mitigate the damage by offering “reform.”
The third strategy has consisted of whites “fleeing” incoming non-whites and non-Christians. This involves “hunkering down”—withdrawing from communal participation as described by Robert Putnam—and white flight—moving to whiter suburbs and schools.
Wherever you flee, they will pursue. We have plenty of experience with that in the USA. Europe and Australia (and Canada, New Zealand, etc.) will learn soon. There is no escape without taking your nation back.
The fourth strategy has involved whites joining minorities, for example by marrying them. This is giving rise to growing hybrid populations that Kaufmann believes will become typical throughout much of the West by the end of this century.
Represented by Kaufmann himself. Thus, with the typical “I’m mixed, so you all must become just like me” mindset typical of such people, Kaufmann promotes the mischling future.
Kaufmann opposes the strategy of repression because it risks a white backlash and thus more of the populist nationalism already being experienced across the West.
And that is the ONLY reason he opposes it. He supports the ultimate goals of the repression.
Trump and Brexit and ethnic nationalism endanger Left-liberal power and values. For that reason Kaufmann wants repression of white identity to be moderated:
Moderated, but not eliminated. Can’t have Whitey becoming too rambunctious now, can we?
Repressing white identity as racist and demonising the white past adds insult to [the] injury of this group’s demographic decline. This way lies growing populist discontent or even terrorism. Ethnic majorities need a future.
Actually he means the illusion of a future, because the type of nationalism Kaufmann approves for whites is ethno-traditionalism, nostalgia for the society experienced in childhood. Ethno-traditionalism values only selective cultural markers—some myths, “boundary symbols”, language and reminders of the Christian past. Representatives of this approach in Australia include recent conservative prime ministers John Howard and Tony Abbott.
And here Salter hits the nail on the head. Is it unreasonable for people to ask whether Kaufmann is an enemy, a criminal, a genocidal hater? He wants to peddle empty illusion to Whites, to put them to sleep politically speaking and get them to accept their “inevitable” eclipse. This may backfire on him, but that is his objective. Isn’t it a criminal enterprise, aimed at stealing a people’s future from them, stealing from them their very existence?
It would be wrong, Kaufmann thinks, for whites to perpetuate themselves genetically. He states that common descent, the essence of ethnic identity, is not a legitimate identity marker; especially not race.
Therefore, it follows that Kaufmann believes it is wrong for Whites to survive as a distinct people. He therefore supports White extinction. By his own words, he is a supporter of, and promoter of, genocide, and one day we can hope that a legally convened tribunal holds him accountable for his crimes against humanity.
Kaufmann opposes the very foundation of racial existence. He is an enemy of White preservationism; he attacks our legitimate ethnic genetic interests. His work is sugar-coating genocide. This is why I take an essentially negative view of his work, regardless of what positives may emerge from it.
Only ethno-traditionalism suits Kaufmann’s favoured conservative category. He has no time for recalcitrant authoritarians or ethnic nepotists. Conservatives who cannot be placated by nostalgic flashbacks to their childhood have no place in Kaufmann’s envisaged future. What to do with ethnic nepotists such as Sir Robert Menzies, Australia’s longest-serving prime minister and founder of the Liberal Party, who believed in the unity of family and racial kinship? Menzies maintained that parents see in their children “their greatest contribution to the immortality of their race”. Kaufmann offers no way out or forward for deplorables such as Menzies. They are expected to conveniently disappear without causing a fuss.
“Conveniently disappear.” Not only those individuals, but, we can suppose, also the race to which they belong. Again, can someone explain why Kaufmann is not a criminal?
Ethno-traditionalists are more amenable to change, Kaufmann thinks, because they support immigration so long as the immigrants assimilate, regardless of the impact on ethnic identity, even if their type eventually disappears:
I contend that today’s white majorities are likely to successfully absorb minority populations while their core myths and boundary symbols endure. This will involve a change in the physical appearance of the median Westerner, hence Whiteshift, though linguistic and religious markers are less likely to be affected. Getting from where we are now, where most Westerners share the racial and religious features of their ethnic archetype, to the situation in a century or two, when most will be what we now term “mixed-race”, is vital to understanding our present condition.
This is genocide. This is a crime against humanity, promotion of racial genocide. In any fair nation-state, he would be on trial for these crimes against humanity.
Kaufmann seems to dismiss the possibility of sustaining any white ethnic state, one that protects the group interests of its ethnic majority. “Ethnic nationhood, which restricts citizenship to members of the majority, is clearly a non-starter.” In support he points to global demographic trends. The overall white population share is falling: “the West, especially its European-origin population, will be a demographic speck of a few percentage points by the end of the century”. His prognosis is the West’s inevitable racial transformation. He asserts that white Britons and other European-derived peoples have no option but to mix with large numbers of non-whites: “whites can no more hold back demography than Canute could command the tides. In the West, even without immigration, we’re becoming mixed-race.”
China will of course be capable of commanding those tides. Fascinating what one can do without folks like Kaufmann in your country, eh? Inevitability when applied to social, political, cultural, and demographic trends is a myth. However, if enough people believe in such inevitability then it becomes self-fulfilling. Thus, if Whites are made to believe that their demographic eclipse is inevitable, if they believe that demographic transformation and mongrelization is as definite as the tides, if they believe that it is impossible to stop and they must simply accept it, then it will be so. But it is NOT inevitable. It may be likely, but likely and inevitable are not the same. The former describes a relatively greater probability that is subject to change under different circumstances; the latter describes a definite set of future circumstances that cannot be altered. The truth is that the White West can stop – and reverse – these demographic trends today if it so wanted. What is lacking is the WILL, and activists like Kaufmann are doing their best to prevent such a WILL from being actualized.
One can of course understand that a botched mongrel, full of resentment toward indigenous Europeans, would want to destroy what he cannot never be. One can understand the burning hatred of the “tragic mulatto” (“mulatto” here describing all types of racial admixtures) toward the unmixed. “Let them all be as botched and miserable as I” cries the inner soul of the mischling. But we are not obligated to accept racial destruction because Kaufmann feels bad about his own lack of racial identity. Indeed, preventing the White race from becoming like Kaufmann should be sufficient motivation to fight “inevitability” and summon the WILL for racial preservationism.
There is no doubt that the present thrust of population change supports Kaufmann’s prognosis. The United States is projected to become minority white in a generation. Most babies there are non-white. White Britons are on track to become a minority in Britain before the end of the century. In 2010 David Coleman, professor of demographics at Oxford University, reported Office for National Statistics projections indicating that white British people will be less than half the population by about 2060, though a further 10 per cent will be “other whites”. By 2100 white British will be about 35 per cent of the population. The rapid rate of change is indicated by the fact that about 30 per cent of British newborns were non-white in 2016, though the overall non-white population was only about 12 per cent.
Have the ethnic fetishists I criticize in the “movement” ever seen a current public school classroom? A college/university lecture hall? Have they worked with, or interviewed, or had any interactions with, young people in the 18-30 age range? The shocking thing is not only how many of them are obvious “minorities” – but instead how many of them are actually the hybrids that Kaufmann sees as the White future. Quadroons and octoroons, hapas of all types, folks who claim Native American ancestry and actually look the part, mostly but not completely White mixed Hispanics of very shade and conformation of face and skull – one is reminded of what Pierce termed “almost Whites.” While the “movement” tends to use that term to describe Southern and Eastern Europeans, with such attitudes they are essentially arraigning the deck chairs on the Titanic. The future Kaufmann describes is coming into being before your very eyes (if you were not so blind) and soon, very soon, the only relevant division will be that of indigenous European stock vs. all the rest. The differences between Europeans that the “movement” obsesses over today will soon become laughingly irrelevant in a future in which those of European stock (of any kind) are a rarity among the swarm of coloreds, hybrids, and other featherless bipeds of every possible skin shade and phenotypic configuration.
However, demographic projections are strongly influenced by immigration, which is a matter of government policy. Kaufmann’s prognosis places no policy limits on the degree of hybridisation.
He wants everyone to be as genetically botched as he is. Misery likes company.
He writes as if societies are faced with a choice between remaining totally homogeneous, which he thinks is politically and demographically impossible, or mixed to a large and unspecified degree. No intermediate condition is discussed, only rates of change towards radical admixture.
Because he WANTS that end result. This cannot be stressed strongly enough.
By the same logic, the prognosis also writes off all but the largest nation-states, at present India and China. Korea, Japan, Israel and Pakistan are already “demographic specks” compared to the world’s non-Korean, non-Japanese, non-Jewish and non-Pakistani populations. Kaufmann’s prognosis discounts the capacity of borders to regulate population flows. This topic is discussed further below.
The flows are “inevitable,” don’t you know. But, strangely enough, ONLY to majority White nations. Borders mysteriously retain their power elsewhere.
Ethnic hierarchy is an underlying theme of Whiteshift not yet remarked by reviewers or highlighted by Kaufmann. When he refers to whites as “the dominant ethnicity” he simply means that they are in the majority, for now. All four strategies in the culture wars indicate Left supremacy over white majorities. Even “fight-back” assumes an inferior defensive posture. Kaufmann is pleading for whites to be granted some social space in which to express their identity, not for them to overthrow their cultural masters. He accuses liberal elites of driving white identity to extinction and appeals for mercy in the interests of social stability and continued cosmopolitan hegemony. There would be no need to plead unless whites were in trouble. Kaufmann advanced similar ideas as far back as 2004 in a book he edited that year, Rethinking Ethnicity: Majority Groups and Dominant Minorities.
This is consistent with my own previous criticisms of Kaufmann. Whites are so “dominant” that they are headed for a racial dispossession and extinction that Kaufmann himself terms “inevitable,” and they are so dominant that any expression of their interests are taboo, and Kaufmann has to suggest that Whites be fed a few scraps from the multicultural table to keep them quiet. Whew! Imagine if they weren’t so dominant! They’d be in real trouble then, that’s for sure!
As noted earlier, Kaufmann’s 2004 book The Rise and Fall of Anglo America documented the cosmopolitan Left’s displacement of Anglo loyalists from control of elite culture. The process culminated in the top-down dismantling of pro-European immigration restrictions in 1965, the replacement of assimilationism by multiculturalism and the mopping-up of regional white resistance. In this context of Left-liberal supremacy Kaufmann concluded:
If liberals allow [their] fear of ethnonationalism to carry all before it and demand that national ethnic groups surrender their existence, they risk the very legitimacy of their project … extremist groups playing the fascist card will find their audiences more receptive if liberalism goes unreformed.
Err…isn’t “demand that national ethnic groups surrender their existence” exactly what Kaufmann is doing? Except he wants to do it more slowly and painlessly (i.e., more dishonestly). Changing Places indeed. And I suppose mixed-race mongrels wouldn’t fare too well among all those “fascist cards” being played, eh?
Kaufmann did not explain why refusal to “surrender existence” is extreme or why progressives who seek that surrender are not.
I can explain it. Kaufmann agrees with the progressives. He wants, and works for, Whites to surrender their existence. He just thinks that the progressives are doing it in a crude manner that can provoke a backlash.
In any case, by 2004 he was anticipating the rise of populist nationalism in the West in reaction against large-scale suppression and demographic displacement of white populations. By then the United States’ inverted ethnic hierarchy had been in place for decades.
“Inverted ethnic hierarchy” – excellent phrase by Salter. The reality of American gaslighting is as follows. The groups said to be “dominant” and have “privilege” are those who are being dispossessed from their nations, driven to extinction, not allowed to organize on the basis of group interests, discriminated against by law and custom, mocked by popular culture, suppressed by social pricing and political correctness, have higher rates of opioid addiction and suicide, and have downward mobility while being pessimistic about the future. The groups said to be “oppressed” are those favored by law and custom, encouraged to organize based on group interests, given a myriad of cradle to grave advantages, favored by political correctness, untouched by social pricing, and who are optimistic about the future. Inverted, indeed.
The idea that white majorities in some countries have been subordinated is yet to catch on in Australia, though conservatives complain about (mainly) minority identity politics. That has not shaken the general assumption that white Australia still rules the roost, even as it sinks towards becoming a minority.
Eric Kaufmann is something almost unknown in Australia, a scholar who studies ethnicity and nationalism largely outside the iron cage of multicultural taboos. He is more of an analyst than an ideologue.
He goes where data and theory lead. His students learn that ethnicity has a primordial component based in an evolved psychology that is universal to the species; that people naturally feel their ethnic identities. He teaches them that pro-social ethnocentrism is not the same as aggressive xenophobia, that although the two are connected they are distinct and can appear alone.
Whiteshift was written by someone as comfortable with statistics and evolutionary psychology as with wordy sociology. Kaufmann’s scholarly papers and lectures are peppered with graphs and tables. Compared to this curriculum, the content of typical Australian courses on ethnicity and nationalism comprise a small, dated set of neo-Marxist doctrines, often written by radicals with an axe to grind against the West. The now defunct journal People and Place (1993–2010) was an exception that proves the rule.
Kaufmann comes from the stable of the late Anthony D. Smith, long-time professor of historical sociology at the London School of Economics. Smith’s 1986 book, The Ethnic Origin of Nations, shook up Marxist orthodoxies by showing that nations grow around dominant ethnic cores, the erosion of which undermines national cohesion. Smith was a leading voice in what might be called the London school of ethnic studies, a vibrant clearing house of data and argumentation. The school’s debates span the Atlantic. Journals such as Ethnic and Racial Studies and Nations and Nationalism draw contributions mainly from Europe and the US but also Israel and Japan.
This is interesting.
The Left attacks Kaufmann with accusations of legitimising white nationalism.
That demonstrates how stupid and self-destructive the Left is. Kaufmann is one of them, wanting to do their job in a more subtle and efficient manner. On the other hand, maybe the Left is really smart and self-interested, given Suvorov’s Law. If they know that law then they know that concessions can lead to complete collapse. It matters how self-aware the Left is. I believe that the rank-and-file leftists are merely stupid and so hysterical in their anti-Whiteness that they are being triggered by any hint of the legitimacy of White interests. The top leftists, the wire-pullers, may oppose Kaufmann because they do actually see a slippery slope leading from mild White identify to hardcore White nationalism.
In reality, he is a true cosmopolitan and an empirical sociologist who attempts to apply universal values. It is the pro-diversity Left that have forgotten their universalism and turned their classrooms into uncritical purveyors of anti-Western doctrine.
Kaufmann’s cosmopolitan credentials are impeccable. Far from being a knight for whites, he has never expressed ethnic or national loyalty in his published works, though his Canadian upbringing induced an unabashed love of ice hockey. He is comfortable with others perceiving him as white and with his multiracial heritage.
From Kaufmann’s Wikipedia page we learn:
His ancestry is mixed with a quarter Chinese and a quarter Latino. His father is of Jewish descent…
He may derive some degree of partial European ancestry from his “Latino” background, but Kaufmann is mostly of an ancestry that is not indigenous European.
He has consistently defended universal values. His historical-sociological study of cosmopolitanism, The Rise and Fall of Anglo America, showed some enthusiasm for his subject.
At least enthusiasm for the “Fall” part.
In it he discussed but never critiqued the new social sciences. But he did criticise late-stage American cosmopolitans for misusing their power to exclude Anglos from the multicultural table, a pattern emulated around the Western world.
But, according to Kaufmann, the Anglos should be at the “multicultural table” only insofar as they agree to manage their own “inevitable” genetic extinction, right?
He characterised American multiculturalism as “asymmetric” because it excluded whites from the multicultural system and marshalled non-white minorities against them.
Is Kaufmann’s “”remedy” to trick Whites into thinking that their interests are being defended?
Also in Rise and Fall, Kaufmann urged that multiculturalism be reformed so as to “respect the choice of those who prefer an ethnically homogeneous milieu”.
“Milieu.” How about ethnostates?
He warned against the suppression of white majorities because this alienates them from ethnicity per se, exacerbating their hyper-individualism and deculturation. This was bad for everyone because white elites control mass culture, and thus their atomisation produces “an acidic environment that erodes the structural basis of all ethnic groups”. Kaufmann realised that ethnic identity, traditions and belonging are as important for whites as for non-whites.
So, Kaufmann endorses a form of the “White Man’s Burden” here. White identify – in a much attenuated form – is acceptable only insofar as it helps maintain the ethnic identities of non-Whites. Indeed, in the midst of examining their own identity, Whites need to be concerned about how their actions affect non-Whites. After all, only the latter group really matters, right?
Nevertheless, Kaufmann has not been a champion of strategic white interests. He thinks it is legitimate for whites to seek each other’s company but not to preserve defensible nation-states.
Proving all my points about Kaufmann and his culpability with respect to White genocide.
In another publication, Changing Places (2014), he and his co-author Gareth Harris described and attempted to explain the extremely high level of white opposition to immigration in England and Wales (80 per cent). They searched for ways to “remedy” this opposition. In other words, they treated white opposition to mass immigration as a problem to be solved, not as the expression of legitimate ethnic interests or democratic will.
That is the ENTIRE point of my criticism of Kaufmann. His work is an attempt to “remedy” the “problem” of White opposition of racial extinction. Whether or not his “remedy” can work or not is immaterial with respect to his moral and legal accountability in promoting White genocide. By the standards established at international courts, starting at Nuremberg, why is Kaufmann not a criminal?
They accepted mass immigration as a given, something beyond civilised opposition. Their deification of immigration allowed them to lump together as “far right” the neo-fascist British National Party and Nigel Farage’s bourgeois UKIP which in 2014 was the main party campaigning for Britain to leave the European Union.
Why is Kaufmann not a criminal? Let’s consider his culpability to genocide. This is established by his own writings when compared with the UN definition of genocide. By that definition, Kaufmann is propagandizing in support of genocide. If someone disagrees with that assessment, then please explain how working to facilitate a people’s dispossession and extinction is not consistent with the UN definition. Note the following, which seals the case for the prosecution:
Kaufmann and Harris found that the pace of ethnic change in a neighbourhood predicted voter opposition to immigration. They recommended that governments act to reduce opposition to immigration, not by acceding to voter wishes, but by spreading the distribution of immigrants across electorates in order to reduce the speed of ethnic change in particular neighbourhoods.
This is a criminal conspiracy to extinguish European peoples while attempting to hide that fact from them. Supporters of Kaufmann are challenged to explain how his work does not violate the UN Genocide Convention. If you are convinced of his innocence, then you should have no opposition to a fair trial. That’s all I’m asking for – let’s put Kaufmann on trial.
Please note the pure unbridled hypocrisy of this Kaufmann. On the one hand, we are told that mass immigration and subsequent White dispossession and extinction are “inevitable” and there is nothing Whites can do to stop it. On the other hand, Kaufmann works to create “remedies” aimed at tricking White voters so as to prevent them from stopping the very thing that he says is “inevitable” and that the voters allegedly have no control over. It is “inevitable” only because advocates of genocide work to make it so by squashing real resistance to these not-inevitable changes. Also note how this trickery is akin to current gaslighting in which the System openly exults in declining White demographics while, at the same time, claims that “the Great Replacement” is just some sort of crazy conspiracy theory. After all, we don’t want Whites to oppose, for example, the United Nations, which openly calls for “replacement migration.” That would be fertile ground for Kaufmann to advise, no doubt.
Neither is Kaufmann much attached to Western civilisation…
Because he is not part of it by blood.
…if his views on Islam are a measure. Whiteshift urges politicians to empathise with white ethnic anxieties, but not tolerate anti-Muslim sentiment. For him Islam is just another religion, interchangeable with Christian denominations: “As with perceptions of Islam in the West today, Catholicism was viewed as an alien faith with no place in American civilization.”
What does a mixed-race hybrid care about the West?
Whiteshift is too influenced by Left-liberal values. Its analysis of ethnic interests avoids biological dimensions despite elsewhere drawing on evolutionary psychology. Some utopianism is evident in the book’s assumption that win-win compromises are always possible. It blithely accepts replacement-level migration as an injury to which insult should not be added, instead of an existential threat needing to be halted or reversed. It wholly discounts ethnic and religious competition as causes of white decline. Kaufmann is concerned about progressives’ hatred for white identity but fails to describe many realities of anti-white politics, such as the anti-Western bias endemic in universities, corporate open-border globalism in general or the censorship of white identitarians by big-tech social media companies in particular.
Whiteshift IS “left-liberal values.” It WANTS the existential threat of replacement-level migration to occur. It is a vicious anti-White screed, and we can only speculate on the inner rage of the mongrel who wrote it, a rage against Europeans so overwhelming that only their extinction can assuage it.
The book is not free from political correctness concerning race. Kaufmann’s discounting of racial ethnic markers seems arbitrary, especially when racial self-segregation is so pronounced. Also, though he is concerned with maintaining social stability in diverse societies, he does not mention the problem of socio-economic stratification by race. Stratification is a major cause of ethnic conflict. It occurs to varying extents in every multi-racial society, partly due to psychological group differences. Stratification affects the rate and dynamics of inter-ethnic marriage. No book examining whiteshift can legitimately ignore this difficult subject.
Therefore, Kaufmann’s work is not legitimate; certainly, from the standpoint of international law, as established by the UN Genocide Convention, the work could be reasonably seen as criminal.
As already noted, Kaufmann appears to say that white ethnic states are impossible because “ethnic nationhood” limits citizenship to the majority ethnicity, and that this is out of the question. This misses the point that ethnic states are defined by ethnic control of the state. Ethnic limits on citizenship rights are set by the state and thus indirectly by political elites. In a democracy, the majority ethnicity will generally control ethnic policy, and that was the case from the emergence of nationalism in Continental Europe and white settler countries after about 1800. Since the 1970s, however, multicultural policies in countries such as Australia and the US have made them inverted ethnic states—ones that privilege minorities. Minorities did not have the power to dominate majorities at that time. That was accomplished by an alliance between cultural elites and their minority clients. The reality of multiculturalism in majority white nations is that the majority retains citizenship but minorities are privileged by such policies as affirmative action, a share of immigration far beyond their share of the population, and suppression of white identity by various “human rights” agencies.
The “cultural elites” in question include both Jews and “movement” heroes such as Hubert Humphrey.
The ethnic invertedness of multiculturalism was obvious to Geoffrey Blainey by the 1990s. He thought the ideology “would collapse without an emphasis on racial discrimination”. He continued: “When Anglo-Celtic Australians show the same ethnic preference as minorities they are denounced as racists.” The main differences between minority-dominated and majority-dominated states is that the former are less democratic. They must, after all, block majority ethnic preferences concerning immigration and free speech.
Ultimately, this is what Kaufmann wants as well.
Multicultural elites often feel distinct from and contemptuous of the majority. These attitudes manifest as a culture of censoriousness—political correctness—running through the bureaucracy and the media. Majoritarian ethnic states are more relaxed because their elites identify with the majority. Also, according to public choice theory, majorities require only a fraction of the ethnic motivation shown by minorities to win control of the democratic process. And they can do so without suppressing other identities.
The question is how America’s previous somewhat “Majoritiarian” state become subverted to what it has become today. The same applies to Salter’s Australia or any other part of the West. Majoritarian democracies are not stable unless they actually do suppress other identities – or better yet, not have those other identities within the state to begin with.
Another problem with Kaufmann’s analysis is his use of simplistic categories. An example is his assumption that liberal ideology is genuinely felt, when in reality all ideologies can be used as vehicles for various interests.
Including the interests of mixed race hybrids like Kaufmann.
There is a long history across many countries of minority ethnics voting for and sometimes leading leftist politics.
This is true particularly in the USA.
Historically Kaufmann’s Left-liberal category has included minority ethnic nepotists who see their ethnic interests being served by undermining the power of the majority ethnic group. In other words, Left-liberalism has often been motivated by tribalism, its normative polar opposite.
There are always ethnic interests behind political activism.
Kaufmann discusses examples of political vehicles but does not apply the concept to multiculturalism. The vehicular nature of multiculturalism is important to the phenomenon of whiteshift because the ideology is used to legitimise the subordination of white majorities and impose replacement-level immigration. Multiculturalism is an ideology that serves diverging values. Kaufmann sees its liberal but not its ethnic motives, despite the latter providing a significant fraction of the Left’s voting base, funding and political leadership. In the United States the Democratic Party, ostensibly on the Left, has become a vehicle of the multicultural alliance, receiving bloc votes from strongly identified minority ethnics in exchange for favours such as affirmative action, extending welfare and keeping the immigration doors open.
Kaufmann is not stupid. This omission is no doubt intentional. Salter is probably just being polite in not openly stating this.
Kaufmann also fails to ask whether in a crowded world any population can retain its identity without controlling the state. If multiculturalism succeeded because Left-liberals wrested the state from the majority that had built it, then used the power of the state to open the borders to unrestricted immigration to make the majority “disappear”, why should the majority not respond in kind by conducting its own march through the institutions to reclaim its rightful property and restore an immigration policy that serves its interests? What other strategy could work? What other strategy would be as moral? Even Kaufmann’s preferred version of multiculturalism, in which white cultural identity is respected alongside the identities of minorities and cosmopolitans, is unlikely to be achieved without a majority reconquista of the state.
Reading between the lines – or some of the actual lines themselves – it seems like Kaufmann’s “preferred version of multiculturalism” is one that leads to the extinction of Whites as they currently exist.
Whiteshift is profoundly revisionist regarding the morality of white ethnic behaviour. Kaufmann concludes that whites are entitled to retain their identity and majority status and that it is acceptable for them to live in a “homogeneous milieu”.
But, reading Salter’s analysis above, that’s not what Kaufmann is really saying at all. Essentially, Whiteshift is about Whites being hoodwinked to accept demographic dispossession and mongrelization while being placated by the surface veneer of “traditional cultural Whiteness”- it’s Ozzie and Harriet, except Ozzie will be a quadroon and Harriet a hapa. It’s all good!
In doing so he implies that it is all right for them to campaign and vote against replacement-level non-white and non-Christian immigration.
Implies is a stretch. See the end of my analysis. Also see what is written above. Kaufmann has openly advocated “remedies” so as to trick White voters to not “vote against replacement-level non-white and non-Christian immigration.”
This message has broader application than simply preventing further increases in non-white numbers towards becoming majorities in Western societies. It also applies retrospectively, because, to borrow from T.S. Eliot, in order to become the majority, you must go by the way of the minority. If Kaufmann is correct, white conservatives with foresight were right to oppose each step of their replacement. They were right to criticise hostile elites and the vilification of national history. Kaufmann’s analysis implies, even while he explicitly denies, that Australia’s founders and leaders up to the 1960s were right to develop Australia as a predominantly European country.
The same lessons apply to those intent on revolution through immigration. They were strategically prudent to begin with small steps, to avoid democratic process, to change policy via administrative increments, to persecute and silence white identity when they could. The wide-open door must begin by way of the crack.
Who were and are those people intent on revolution by immigration? Non-Whites of all types. White leftists like Hubert Humphrey who the “movement” adores for ethnic reasons.
Despite some disagreement with Kaufmann’s analysis, Whiteshift is a huge advance on what passes for the study of ethnicity and nationalism in Australia. It provides a new perspective on the ethnic transformation and associated troubles sweeping the West.
I have to respectfully, but strongly, disagree with Salter’s relatively positive assessment. Whiteshift may be a “huge advance” compared to the sorry state of White identify politics in Australia and throughout the West, but at face value it is a huge advance in the wrong direction, a march to oblivion, a cul-de-sac of defeat and despair, of “inevitable” racial eclipse. However, as promised, I will end my analysis to discuss why the “implies” may have some meaning, perhaps the “stretch” does reach something useful, why “face value” is not the full story. This gets back to a concept I often refer to as “Suvorov’s law”- revolutions do not occur during the time of maximum repression, but when that repression is suddenly relaxed.
Kaufmann may wish that the acceptance of White identity politics goes only so far and no farther, that it goes only to the extent of narcotizing Whites so they ultimately accept their racial demise. But it is not up to him to determine the extent of reform. Louis XVI didn’t dream that his initial concessions would lead to the French Revolution and him losing his head. Gorbachev didn’t have the dissolution of the Soviet Union as his endgame for his own reforms. Moderate Whites who accepted the initial steps of “civil rights” in the USA in the 1950s and early 60s couldn’t dream how out-of-hand it would get. No, once you show weakness, once you ease the repression, once you officially legitimize the demands and aspirations of the opposition, once you whet the appetite of the opposition for more concessions and more power, then the direction and momentum of change slips out of the control of the reformers. Kaufmann may wish to slyly manipulate the White Right to acquiesce to “inevitable” racial destruction; however, it may turn out that Kaufmann will be a “useful idiot” paving the way for a more radical, assertive, and aggressive White identity politics. Kaufmann, as the icebreaker for White nationalism, may not foresee the direction his planned pseudo-reformation may go. If he realizes it, he may denounce his own Whiteshift, but the cat is out of the bag now.
From a purely pragmatic – and perhaps cynical – perspective, Salter’s positive review of Whiteshift is of more political value than my negative one. After all, relatively few (White) people are actually going to read the book. Relatively few people are going to understand Kaufmann’s underlying agenda. Instead, they’ll mostly hear that a (racially mixed) academic wrote a book legitimizing White identity politics. And given Suvorov’s Law the likely outcome of that – I won’t say the inevitable outcome – is progression of such politics beyond the boundaries Kaufmann hopes to confine it. Interestingly, it is not only the Right that will misrepresent Kaufmann’s ideas in this manner. The Left will do so as well – and they have already been doing so. The Left is so hysterically anti-White that ANY work that can be construed as supporting White identity – even when that work’s ultimate goal is the destruction of that identity – is considered anathema. The Left is so triggered by Whiteshift that their denouncing of it overlaps with the Right’s pretense that Kaufmann is legitimizing pro-White politics. Useful idiots abound. If only White racial activism was not itself full of idiots, then productive progress could be made on the basis of all of this. Regardless, the multicultural consensus will continue to unravel. Sit back and enjoy the show.
Meanwhile, re-read the UN Genocide Convention and consider that in the context of Kaufmann and his “work.” If the shoe fits wear it, no?
The shoe does fit.
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part
Kaufmann understands that mass migration will lead to race replacement of Whites and that racial admixture will permanently alter the racial character of the resulting mixed population, eliminating Whites as they currently exist. That will lead to the physical destruction of Whites as a race “in whole or in part.” Kaufmann’s work is focused on ensuring that this happens, pursuing “remedies” to prevent Whites from stopping their physical destruction. Therefore, there can be no doubt of his guilt here.
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group
Kaufmann’s work achieves this is two ways. First, dispossession, race replacement, and the crowding out of White carrying capacity will by necessity “prevent births within the group.” Second, the promotion of admixture prevents births within the group, since “the group” is defined by Whites as they exist, and the hybrid offspring will not be of that group, but of another. So, White births are prevented in favor of the births of mixed race mongrels. By analogy, a conservationist who wants to preserve, say, the endangered red wolf will do all they can to prevent red wolves form mating with gray wolves or with other canines. They want to preserve the red wolf as a distinct species. Promoting hybridization can lead to extinction. Kaufmann wants the same fate for Whites – extinction. He is guilty here as well.
(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide
Kaufmann is also guilty here – his work is designed to lead to White dispossession and he schemes on how to trick White voters (“remedies”) so they will not support measures to prevent this dispossession.
(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide
Whiteshift for example. Changing Places for example. Counseling the System to trick Whites into underestimating their dispossession so they do not oppose it – this is direct and public incitement to commit genocide. Kaufmann advised elites on how to more effectively pursue policies leading to the dispossession of Whites and their eventual submergence of Whites into a non-White, mixed-race population.
e) Complicity in genocide.
Yes, see above.
Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals
Private individuals – Eric Kaufmann.
Two final thoughts for this post. First, despite some areas of disagreement, I believe Salter has done an excellent job in his review of Whiteshift, and should be commended for creating a respectful evaluation of the work from a rightist academic perspective. Second, the hypocrisy of Kaufmann is underscored by the fundamental inconsistency of Whiteshift. On the one hand, the underlying ostensible paradigm being promoted in the work is that Whites have legitimate interests, Whites should be allowed to express those interests, the leftist hectoring of Whites is counter-productive, Whites have an identity, and Whites should be able to express their interests by having a seat at the multicultural table. Then, Kaufmann – who himself is NOT White – turns around and hectors Whites by defining for them the limits and terms by which they will be allowed to express their identity, interests, and opinions. If that’s the case, who needs it? In the end, the difference between Kaufmann and some hysterical SJW babbling about “White Privilege” (imagine the scowling face of a Greta Thunberg or an Elizabeth Warren) is just one of tone and of degree. Granted, Kaufmann’s agenda allows Suvorov’s Law to come into play, so maybe we should play his game (by our own rules), but that’s not his intention.
And one addendum to end this post. From the standpoint of racial envy, consider that what we may be observing with Kaufmann is a form of an inverted “narcissism of small differences.” It is often those closest to Europeans, racially speaking, but who fall short of the mark, who are most resentful and hateful toward Europeans because, being so close yet so far, they feel (and resent) the difference all the more keenly. Think of Kaufmann, South Asians (Zakaria, Saini, the GNXPers), hybrids of all sorts, consider that part-White light-skinned Blacks are often more radical and anti-White than their darker-skinned, more racially Negro, counterparts. Beware of such people and the ever-so-helpful advice they give you, for they hate you far more than any unmixed Nigerian or Chinaman does.