Strengths and weaknesses.
Putting aside the issue of relative competence, I have compared Left vs. Right with respect to the ease by which each accomplishes its sociopolitical objectives, and proposed an analytical approach based on the thermodynamic law of entropy. Thus, see this:
The Left has an easier of time of things than the Right, given that the Left’s objectives run alongside the flow of increasing entropy, while the Right’s objectives run in the opposite direction. This underlying fundamental difference explains why attempts at “mainstreaming” and “working within the system” are doomed to ultimate failure, and also explains why the Left has been so easily winning all the battles of the last three-quarters of a century.
We can look at entropy not only with respect to the physical sciences, but also from the standpoint of race, civilization, society, and the sociopolitical milieu of any nation and people. The Left traditionally works to increase entropy: increasing dissolution, disorganization, heterogeneity, cultural degradation, miscegenation, breaking down barriers, and eliminating more compartmentalized distinctions. Just as physical entropy is the default direction of flow, so too is sociopolitical entropy. Within the “West” (broadly defined), the Left finds its goals supported by powerful forces: Jews want more diversity and the destruction of traditional Western peoples and their cultures, Coloreds want access to White lands and goods, Big Business wants cheap labor, Leftist politicians want more voters, Cultural Marxists want to impose their degraded vision over a defeated and humiliated West.
The Right on the other hand traditionally has had goals and objectives that run counter to increasing entropy: increasing order, organization, homogeneity, High Culture, racial preservation, maintenance or even heightening of inter-group distinctions…
…Therefore: the objectives of the Left are easy to attain and difficult or impossible to reverse; the objectives of the Right are at best extremely difficult to obtain and very easy to reverse.
But there are some positives for the Right here, particularly for the dissident Far Right. In a scenario in which (e.g., rightist) dissidents wish to attack an established System, to weaken, delegitimize, and, optimally, overthrow that System, then the tropism of events toward higher entropy – more decay, more chaos, more disorganization, and more degeneration – can serve the interests of the dissidents. It is usually easier to undermine a System – particularly one that is corrupt and has many weaknesses to be targeted – than to maintain, never mind build, a System. It is easier to foment chaos, dissension, and division than to promote the opposite. This is not always associated with the “worse is better” paradigm, because from the standpoint of the present System’s stability, certain things that are “better” from the pro-White standpoint, such as increasing racial nationalist sentiment among Whites and greater collective action among Whites, are, actually, symptoms of high entropy decay (and thus “worse”) for the System. So, “worse is better” – the “worse” is for whom? Whites? The System? For Whites, in many cases, “better is better.” Didn’t Unz aver – as I recall – that White nationalism could destroy America? Democratic multiculturalism and Suvorov’s Law come into play here. Weakening anti-White repression is the opposite of “worse is better” but from the standpoint of a System based on being anti-White, that is a sign of internal weakness and decay. In some cases, what Whites and the System perceive to be high vs. low entropy are the same, but in other cases, it is different, and in fact, completely opposite.
The System has certain strengths and weaknesses with respect to this entropic principle; interestingly, some of these strengths and weaknesses derive from the same sources. For example, the large size and complexity of the System is both a strength and weakness. It is a strength (more obviously) due to the power and resources the large System can bring to bear in its defense, and it being capable of withstanding shocks that might destroy a smaller entity. A large complex System also typically has a redundancy of sub-systems, so that the collapse – the “breaching and flooding” – of one compartment doesn’t necessarily “sink the ship.”
On the other hand, as weaknesses, a large and complex System may be bloated and clumsy, and its high degree of inter-connectedness means that a disruption of one compartment may indeed negatively impact others. This latter point does not contradict what was asserted earlier. Think of it as a compartment that may be water-tight, so it won’t flood another, but perhaps contains important equipment whose loss cannot be easily replaced – a case in which the redundancy previously mentioned may not apply. Supply chain disruptions may fit here as an instructive example.
Likewise, the fact that the System is based on an ideology of high entropy, degeneration, and decay is both a strength and a weakness. On the one hand, as a strength, it may make the System more resistant to attacks that promote decay, since the supporters of the System may in fact enjoy and exult in decay (think Jews, Coloreds, anarchists, etc.) Unlike a System built on an ideology of order, hierarchy, and beauty, a System based on chaos, egalitarian degeneracy, and ugliness may survive much more entropic decay.
On the other hand, as a weakness, being based on chaos, egalitarian degeneracy, and ugliness, the System attacks and weakens that part of itself most capable of its maintenance and defense – e.g., high-functioning White people. In this sense, the System’s commitment to entropic degeneration may synergize with attacks on itself; further, there is a limit to which even Jews, Coloreds, anarchists, etc. would tolerate societal chaos, not to mention the attitude of the saner elements of the population. If a positive feedback loop is established in which the System responds to attacks on itself by doubling down on its high entropy ideology, then it may collapse all the quicker.
Further extension of these ideas can be developed with additional analysis. Indeed, political activism can benefit from approaches derived from concepts themselves derives from STEM, systems analysis, etc. These lines of inquiry would seem to be more fruitful than typical “movement” fare – e.g., gibbering about Nordics, hobbit holes, and Kali Yuga. The readers of this post can decide for themselves which of these competing analytical approaches – that of the Sallis Groupuscule compared to that of Der Movement – is most likely to yield promising results.